From Adoption to Action: A New Council of Europe Recommendation on Peace Education by, with and for Young People

… EDUCATION FOR PEACE …

An article by Phill Gittins in World Beyond War

The Recommendation offers a further policy reference point across the Council of Europe’s 46 member states. Its significance will depend on how far it contributes to work already underway to advance a culture of peace and nonviolence, challenge cultures of war and violence, deepen meaningful youth participation, and inform policy, practice, and research.

On July 8, 2026, the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe adopted Recommendation CM/Rec(2026)11 on Peace Education by, with and for Young People  and took note of its explanatory memorandum.

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Committee of Ministers recommendations set out common policy agreed by member states. They are not legally binding, but provide a policy framework and proposals for national action. This Recommendation sets out principles and measures to help member states recognize, support, and strengthen peace education by, with, and for young people across youth policy, youth work, non-formal learning, and wider educational settings. Grounded in human rights and meaningful youth participation, it can be interpreted and adapted in different national and local contexts.

Its relevance extends to peace educators and teachers; youth workers; young people and youth organizations; peacebuilding and civil society organizations; researchers, funders, policymakers and public authorities.

The Recommendation comes at a time when many young people are living with war, militarization, polarization, disinformation, hate speech, inequality, ecological crisis and declining trust in democratic institutions.

Peace education is not an optional addition to education, youth work or peacebuilding. It can help people understand conflict, challenge violence and injustice, care for relationships and communities, work across differences and create more peaceful alternatives.

Adoption matters, but the real test is what follows.

The process leading to the Recommendation

The process leading to the Recommendation unfolded over more than three years through consultation, research, drafting, dialogue and negotiation. It formed part of a much longer Council of Europe youth-sector engagement with peace, human rights and youth participation.

One significant step was the Council of Europe Youth Department’s Consultative Meeting on Renewing Peace Education in Intercultural Youth Activities, held at the European Youth Centre in Strasbourg on January 24-25, 2023.

The gathering brought together 35 people working across peace education, peacebuilding and conflict transformation to review and renew approaches to peace education in light of contemporary realities and young people’s concerns, including armed conflict.

The Joint Council on Youth subsequently asked the Council of Europe Secretariat to examine the need and possibilities for a Committee of Ministers recommendation.

Dr. Phill Gittins, Education Director at World BEYOND War, was then invited to research and author a Feasibility Study on a Recommendation on Peace Education in Non-formal Learning and Youth Work.

Completed in October 2024, the study drew on policy frameworks, existing research and practice, surveys, interviews and contributions from people working in different contexts. It examined the case for a Recommendation, what it might address and how it could contribute to strengthening the recognition, accessibility, quality and impact of peace education.

The study also highlighted a continuing gap between growing recognition of peace education and the political commitment, resources and accountability needed to support it nationally and locally.

In October 2024, the Joint Council on Youth endorsed the conclusions of the feasibility study and established a drafting group.

Gittins was subsequently engaged as the Council of Europe consultant responsible for preparing the initial and successive drafts of the Recommendation and its explanatory memorandum, reflecting the orientations, decisions and proposals of the drafting group.

The group brought together governmental and non-governmental youth representatives, young people, experts and Council of Europe colleagues. It held its first in-person meeting in Strasbourg in March 2025, followed by a second meeting in June 2025.

The work continued through successive drafts, consultation, feedback, legal and policy review, revision and negotiation. In March 2026, the Joint Council on Youth finalized the draft Recommendation, preparing the way for its adoption by the Committee of Ministers.

The process brought together different experiences, responsibilities and understandings of peace, education, security and youth participation. That diversity made the work demanding, but also strengthened it. The challenge was to secure intergovernmental agreement while keeping the text meaningful, ambitious and useful.

The Recommendation is therefore the product of a wider collective effort: participants in the 2023 meeting; contributors to the feasibility study; the governmental and non-governmental representatives, young people and experts in the drafting group; and colleagues who supported consultation, revision, negotiation, legal and policy review, finalization and adoption.

Building on existing work

Although the Recommendation is new, the work it brings together is not.

Within the Council of Europe, it builds on longstanding work in human rights education, education for democratic citizenship, intercultural learning, youth participation, youth work and non-formal education, alongside peace education, peacebuilding and conflict transformation.

This history includes the Youth Peace Camp, initiated in 2003; resources such as Compass; support provided through the European Youth Foundation; and the youth sector’s co-management system, through which governmental and non-governmental youth representatives participate in shared decision-making.

Beyond the Council of Europe, the Recommendation draws on decades of peace-education theory, research and practice and on the work of peace educators, teachers, youth workers, young peacebuilders, civil society organizations, researchers and communities seeking to prevent violence, transform conflict and build more peaceful and just societies.

It complements UNESCO’s 2023 Recommendation on Education for Peace, Human Rights and Sustainable Development  and Sustainable Development Goal 4.7, which provide an important global framework for education that contributes to peace, human rights, global citizenship and sustainable development.

It also sits alongside the United Nations Youth, Peace and Security agenda, which has strengthened international recognition of young people’s agency and their roles in preventing conflict and building and sustaining peace.

The Recommendation is not a substitute for this work, but a further contribution to it. It brings these different strands together within a Council of Europe policy standard focused on peace education by, with and for young people, while offering a shared reference point for continued debate, learning and practice.

Against this wider background, two features are particularly distinctive.

1. It explicitly connects advancing a culture of peace with challenging cultures of war and violence

Peace is more than the absence of war or violence. It involves cultivating the relationships, capacities, values, cultures and institutions needed for peaceful, just and inclusive societies.

Dialogue, tolerance and interpersonal conflict management matter, but they are not enough.

Peace education must also examine the systems, narratives and practices through which war and violence are prepared, justified and normalized.

From a World BEYOND War perspective, a culture of peace cannot be credibly advanced while cultures of war and violence remain unseen or unchallenged.

War is prepared not only on battlefields, but through political choices, institutions, economic priorities, educational practices and assumptions about security and power.

Questions for this article:

How can we promote a human rights, peace based education?

The feasibility study reflected these connected purposes: education about, for and toward a culture of peace and nonviolence, based on human rights, and away from cultures of war and violence.

Building more peaceful alternatives and questioning what makes violence appear normal, necessary or inevitable are inseparable tasks.

2. It places peace education by, with and for young people at the center

Too much work involving young people is still designed without them, delivered to them or carried out for them.

Young people may be consulted only after important decisions have been made, while holding little influence over the purpose, design, implementation or evaluation of the work.

The drafting process sought to reflect the Recommendation’s commitment to youth participation. Young people and non-governmental youth representatives contributed to discussion, drafting and revision alongside governmental representatives, experts and Council of Europe colleagues.

This does not mean that differences in authority, role and institutional power disappeared. No participatory process is perfect. Nevertheless, youth participation was built into the process rather than added only after the main decisions had been made.

Young people are not merely beneficiaries of peace education. They are knowledge-holders, educators, organizers, researchers, decision-makers, co-creators and peacebuilders.

Peace education by, with and for young people therefore depends on meaningful participation, youth leadership, shared responsibility and intergenerational collaboration, with genuine opportunities to influence decisions that affect young people’s lives.

Supporting these commitments in practice

The Recommendation also considers the conditions needed to sustain these commitments.

Peace education too often depends on short-term projects, temporary grants and committed people working without adequate recognition or institutional support.

The Recommendation can support existing efforts to move beyond isolated activities by providing a basis for stronger integration into youth policy, youth work, non-formal learning and wider educational environments.

This means looking beyond curriculum content to the conditions that sustain meaningful work: professional learning, institutional recognition, coordination, adequate resources and accessible opportunities.

The Recommendation cannot create these conditions by itself. Progress will depend on political commitment, institutional follow-through and the ability to translate a shared policy framework into locally relevant practice.

Who can use the Recommendation — and how?

The Recommendation should not be treated only as a statement of principles. It can be used as a practical tool by different groups.

Peace educators, teachers and youth workers can use it to review and strengthen curricula, programs, training and learning environments, and to make the case for greater recognition, professional development and support.

Young people and youth organizations can use it to strengthen advocacy, call for meaningful participation and adequate resources, and assess whether policies and programs are genuinely being developed by, with and for young people.

Peacebuilding and civil society organizations and networks can use it to build alliances, engage governments and institutions, identify gaps between commitments and practice, and encourage stronger implementation.

Policymakers and public authorities can use it to review and develop policies, implementation plans, funding priorities, professional learning and coordination across peace education, youth and related sectors.

Funders and institutions can use it to support longer-term investment in people, organizations, partnerships and educational infrastructure.

Researchers and evaluators can use it as a reference point for examining access, quality, youth influence, institutional change and the longer-term contribution of peace education.`

Used in these ways, the Recommendation can support advocacy, policy development, program design, institutional reflection, research, evaluation and public accountability. Its value will ultimately be judged less by how often it is cited than by whether it informs decisions, resources and practice.

From policy to practice

Policies do not implement themselves.

The challenge is to turn this standard into meaningful practice without allowing implementation to become top-down, standardized or disconnected from people on the ground.

Shared principles do not require identical programs. Priorities will differ across contexts shaped by armed conflict, racism, political exclusion, community violence, ecological insecurity or deep polarization.

Implementation will therefore need to be locally interpreted, adapted and co-created.

Governments and institutions have responsibilities that cannot be transferred to young people or civil society. At the same time, implementation will be weaker if it does not draw on the knowledge of those already doing the work in communities, schools, universities, youth organizations and non-formal learning settings.

Young people must remain involved not simply as participants, but as partners in deciding what implementation should look like and how progress should be assessed.

Supporting dissemination, exchange and continued learning

The Council of Europe has indicated that the next phase will include promoting the Recommendation through social media and partner networks, alongside planning to support its translation and implementation in member states.

Gittins is also exploring two complementary possibilities, subject to the interest and agreement of others involved:

Webinars and exchanges with organizations and networks working on peace education, youth work, education policy and Youth, Peace and Security. These could explore how the Recommendation relates to other international frameworks, including UNESCO’s 2023 Recommendation, and how its principles might be interpreted and adapted in different national and local contexts.

Reflective and scholarly writing arising from the development process. Ideas include a collaborative article on co-creation, participation and negotiation involving members of the drafting group, including young people; a dialogical piece bringing together different experiences and perspectives; and a personal reflexive account of the process, including its tensions, compromises and learning.

These ideas remain at an early stage. Their purpose would not simply be to promote the Recommendation, but to encourage critical engagement, knowledge exchange and shared learning about its possibilities, limitations and practical use.

Adoption is an achievement, not the endpoint

Will peace educators, young people and youth organizations know about and use the Recommendation? Will governments support its aims through policy, programming, funding and professional development? Will progress be assessed and shortcomings addressed?

Peace education alone cannot resolve every conflict or dismantle every structure that sustains war and violence. It must form part of wider political, economic, social, institutional and cultural change.

But no credible attempt to build lasting peace can neglect how people learn to understand conflict, challenge injustice, question violence, care for relationships and communities, work across differences and create more peaceful alternatives.

Recommendation CM/Rec(2026)11 can add weight and practical direction to this wider work.

Its adoption deserves celebration, but its significance will depend on what follows: collaboration, resources, critical reflection, political commitment and continued engagement from peace educators, young people and those working on the ground.

That is the work that now begins.

Dr. Phill Gittins is Education Director at World BEYOND War. He authored the Council of Europe feasibility study and later served as the consultant responsible for preparing successive drafts of the Recommendation and its explanatory memorandum, in collaboration with the drafting group and the Council of Europe Secretariat.

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Burkina Faso’s Ministry of Culture suspends all beauty pageants

. . WOMEN’S EQUALITY . .

An article from Radio France International

Beauty pageants in Burkina Faso have come to a halt. On Monday, June 8, the Ministry of Culture announced the suspension of all such competitions pending a review of how they are managed. Authorities cite the need to uphold national cultural values ​​and to align these events with the ideals of the popular progressive revolution.


Noélie Congo Salouka, Director General of Culture and Arts for Burkina Faso. © Facebook/Ministry of Communication, Culture, Arts and Tourism of Burkina Faso

Beauty queens and pageant contestants will no longer appear on stage in Burkina Faso until further notice. The authorities’ goal is to preserve “Burkinabe cultural identity” and “ensure respect for moral values.”

(Article continued in right column)

(click here for the original article in French.)

Question related to this article:

Protecting women and girls against violence, Is progress being made?

The new military governments in Africa: Are they promoting a culture of peace?

(Article continued from left column)

In her statement, Noélie Congo Salouka, Director General of Culture and Arts, explains that this pause is intended to allow for a review of the regulatory framework governing these events, with the aim of imposing stricter controls on their organization. In the meantime, no further permits will be issued.

Criticism

However, within the events sector, the decision came as no surprise. In recent months, beauty pageants had drawn increasing criticism, with some members of the public faulting them for focusing solely on the physical appearance of young women. Sponsors had also become scarcer, putting organizers in financial difficulty.

The fact remains that this suspension threatens to destabilize an entire economic ecosystem: communication agencies, stylists, fashion designers, artists, and performance venues will all be affected while the authorities define a new framework for these competitions.

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India: Cockroach Democracy: Unarmed and Dangerous

. HUMAN RIGHTS .

An article by Arundhati Roy in Transcend Media Service

The student-led protests that have convulsed the Indian capital this week are showing us a different future for India and spreading to other cities, as organisers call for nationwide demonstrations tomorrow, 24 July. The cautious hope stirred by this youth uprising – and the Modi government’s desperate struggle to contain it.

For the first time in years, it feels wonderful to be Indian. Just when hope seemed lost, they came. Young roaches riding in on the rain. The progeny of the unholy union between a judge  and a joke.


Photo by Gayatri N.

We all know the story, but here it is, for the record. In response to an arrogant, contemptuous comment  by the Chief Justice of India, Surya Kant, calling some unemployed young Indians cockroaches, Abhijeet Dipke, a student living in Boston, posted a comment on Instagram: “What if all cockroaches come together?” Millions responded. And thus was born the Cockroach Janta Party. Dipke became the Pied Piper of cockroaches. Its first demand was the resignation of Dharmendra Pradhan, the education minister who sits smugly atop a corrupt, rotten ministry under which public exam papers are regularly leaked. An estimated 152 since 2014, according to opposition parties. These leaks have devastated the lives of millions of young people who spent years preparing for these exams, some of whose parents have had to sell their land or homes to support their children’s studies and pay the fee for the right to appear for these exams. A novel form of legal extortion. After the recent leak of the exam paper for medical college admissions, 12 distressed students died by suicide.

As cockroach anger grew into an online tsunami, Dipke returned from Boston on 6 June and went straight from the airport to Delhi’s famous protest grounds at Jantar Mantar. Sonam Wangchuk, the well-known activist and education reformer from Ladakh joined him and declared an indefinite hunger strike. Six university students – Neha Bora, Manish Kumar, Aameen Amitosh, Danish Ali, Hrishikesh and Deepak, members of the All India Students Association (AISA), the student wing of the Communist Party of India (Liberation) – declared they would fast too, and took up position on an adjacent stage. Protests began in other cities. As the condition of those on fast grew critical, the young roaches who had swamped the internet began to show up at Jantar Mantar for real. The Cockroach Janta Party announced that on 20 July, the day parliament was to open for its monsoon session, they would march on Parliament. Two days before the planned march, Sonam Wangchuk was snatched off the stage by the police and held in detention, first in a government hospital, and later at his wife’s insistence, in a private hospital. He still remains on fast. On the morning of 20 July, the day of the march, the AISA students ended their fast.

The cockroaches took the capital city by storm. They came by train, by bus, by air, by metro, their numbers increasing by the hour. Hours before the first rays of sun lightened Delhi’s monsoon skies, they began to pour into Jantar Mantar in the tens of thousands. By sunrise it was clear that a generation of desperate and furious young people, who have seen their future snuffed out before their eyes, intended to reclaim what their parents and grandparents’ generations had conceded: our dignity as a people and as a country. Our rights as citizens of a democracy. The protesters exorcised the corrosive fear that has become second nature to us all with their sheer courage and grace. And humour. By the end of the day it was clear that the protest had become about something far bigger than what the protesters or their leaders were demanding. Dharmendra Pradhan is small change now. The stakes are far bigger. The rot in the whole system of governance, from top to bottom, is clearly visible and has begun to stink like a decomposing corpse. Even the tiniest of the cockroaches, some no more than seven or eight years old, were able to clearly articulate that.

Despite the quick and almost clandestine appointment of a new police chief days before the march, and despite worried whispers about the terrifying proficiency of our terrifying home minister, both the police and the home ministry completely miscalculated the scale of the tsunami that engulfed Delhi on 20 July.

They tried everything. They blocked buses and roads and metro stations. It didn’t help. They tried to jam the internet. But the young roaches – creatures of the internet – somehow subverted that effort with a deluge of memes and videos that made you laugh and cry at once. In Delhi, of all the places in the world, young women who were part of the protest said that they felt safe in the crowd – although some complained about being groped by the police. We saw Muslims, Hindus, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, people belonging to every caste and class coming together, helping each other, protecting each other as they faced down the police. Instead of lecturing us, or giving us grand speeches, they showed us, demonstrated for us, the possible India, the beautiful India of our dreams.

To deal with this danger, the police welded together their yellow metal barricades, and brought their tried and tested props: trucks full of stones, and pre-damaged vehicles in the hope that they could make it look as though the young people had turned violent and the police were acting in self-defence. They brought in an army of plainclothes goons  armed with batons and clubs. To prepare for action, the Rapid Action Force (RAF) removed their name-tags  from their uniforms. The faithful mainstream TV channels were lined up, primed to report the lies. (Some jumped the gun and began to report things that hadn’t happened yet. News in India tends to be about the future, not the present.) Nothing worked. The police and RAF swung their lathis wildly, broke children’s heads and fractured limbs. They fired tear gas. But the young kept marching. Straight towards parliament. Straight to where they said they would go.

As they approached, security forces took position, their AK47s aimed at the unarmed students. Still, the cockroaches marched. And as they marched, they stripped away any remnants of the velvet glove that masks the government’s iron fist and exposed the current regime for what it is and always has been. A fascist iron fist. A confederacy of brutes with no capacity to understand the history and the diversity of the country which it governs. People who only know how to hate, but have no idea how to love. Or think.

As the marchers approached, our brave, boastful prime minister was whisked away to safety. Members of Parliament were prevented from leaving the gleaming new Samvidhan Sansad building whose whole purpose seems to be to undermine the constitution daily.

By evening the police had broken the main stage at the protest site. By night the people had reclaimed it once again. As the police withdrew for the night the cockroaches gave them a standing ovation. For beating children. Wah Modi ji! Wah!

It’s silly to expect major political change to come from this. But to dismiss it as just a heady moment would be obtuse. It’s no surprise that the wires and live-screaming TV channels are burning up with gossip and innuendo and conspiracy theories about foreign-funding and CIA plots. Speaking as a proud andolanjeevi  (Modi’s derisive name for people like me), I confess that when it all began, I was wary too. I worried that we were heading into another Anna Hazare moment – that so-called anti-corruption movement, which, regardless of its early intentions, eventually gifted us three terms of being ruled by a political party that has destroyed every institution in this country, one that sees no separation between itself as a political party and the government of India, one that respects neither the country nor its citizens, and one that has shamed us internationally and brought India to its knees.

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Questions related to this article:

How effective are mass protest marches?

Is there a renewed movement of solidarity by the new generation?

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But my suspicions about the Cockroach Janata Party were allayed when I saw the hostility of the mainstream media towards them. That, to me, was the first and most reassuring sign. I was thrilled that Abhijeet Dipke was from a Dalit community, and even more thrilled that that wasn’t what anybody was focused on. Everything changed for me when I heard him say, “If my name had been Khalid, or if I were a Muslim, I would have been in jail by now.” He had the courage to call out the vulgarity of how things actually work in India – the fact that in our country everything (including and especially the law) does not apply equally to everybody. Everything depends entirely on your religion, caste, class, ethnicity and gender. It was a profound observation, simply made. For him to say this publicly, when even opposition politicians will only say “minority community” instead of “Muslim” for fear of a “Hindu backlash” made me head for Jantar Mantar right away. I also knew that when Dipke picked the name “Khalid” he could well have been speaking of Umar Khalid, the JNU scholar who, along with Sharjeel Imam and many others, has been in prison without trial for close to six years now. Umar’s crime? Urging protesters to remain non-violent during the 2020 protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act, even while Delhi was convulsed by a spate of arson, murder and mosque-burning instigated by Hindu vigilante goons watched over by the benign, and occasionally participating police. Appeal after appeal for bail was turned down by judges who seem to have lost the courage to do, or even understand, what is right.

As the cockroaches marched and their numbers burgeoned, I caught myself thinking: Thank goodness they aren’t mostly Muslim, or Sikh, or Christian or Adivasi. They would have been flattened, killed, shot, jailed. Thank heaven they aren’t Kashmiri. They might have been blinded (although some did receive their share of pellet-like injuries). Thank goodness they are mostly Hindu. That’s how sad this moment is in India. However, things could change in a minute. We are in what they call a “developing situation”. Reports are coming in of thousands of paramilitary troops  being flown in from other states. We don’t know what the coming days will bring.

Where does all this leave us? Unlike the Anna Hazare movement which had weeks of frenzied, non-stop 24×7 coverage on hysterical, corporate owned TV channels, the Cockroach Janata Party has only itself and the internet to bank on. Unlike the Anna movement, which had been penetrated and taken over by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, with the Modi-led BJP massing at the gates, fully prepared to capitalise electorally on the TV-generated frenzy, the cockroaches have no organised opposition parties waiting in the wings, poised to take things further. The spontaneous rage we are witnessing will dissipate unless some real political work begins. Unless adults and opposition parties stop their jockeying and petty squabbling and show some solidarity. The government knows that this is unlikely. It remains unmoved because it feels that all it needs to do is wait. States have the power to wait. People don’t.

At this moment the cockroach uprising is one of several protests taking place across India. Adivasis in Madhya Pradesh are protesting the Ken-Betwa river-linking project. Villagers in Uttarakhand are protesting the mass felling of trees. People are protesting the environmental desecration of the Greater Nicobar Islands. Manipur is boiling. Jobs are disappearing. Prices are soaring. Fury is building. And the BJP-RSS’s ‘God’ game is getting exposed for what it always has been. A hoax. A gangster-driven gold-rush. The looting of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya  has given us a bad Bollywood script which is playing out before our eyes: sleek godmen and corrupt politicians building hotels, accumulating real-estate, driving around in SUVs, fattened on the faith of the poor and unsuspecting. The tentacles of corruption and daylight robbery snaking all the way up to the top.

Can cockroach energy pull us out of this pit? Not easy. A quick look at the outcome of people’s movements in India is not encouraging. It’s a potted history of shrinking ambitions and broken dreams. In the sixties and seventies various movements – including the armed rebellion by the Naxalites – demanded the redistribution of wealth and land to the tiller. They were crushed. In the eighties and nineties, social movements, most famously the Narmada Bachao Andolan and later the Maoists in Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand fought against the displacement of farmers and indigenous tribespeople from their land. In other words, they were asking for what the poor still had to not be snatched away. They were crushed too. By the 2000s, they had been reduced to being grateful for the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA). The right to three months’ employment at minimum wages – an amount which works out to the price of a good meal at an expensive restaurant in a city. That too has been shelved by this regime, and replaced with survival level rations – bags of provisions with Modi’s face on them – thrown contemptuously at people, like alms to beggars from moving cars, in return for gratitude and votes. As the economy flounders, even this is in jeopardy.

Today, in 2026, we have been reduced to fighting for our right to vote and our citizenship. The Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the National Register of Citizenship (NRC) are a Hindu Rashtra version of the 1935 Nuremberg laws, under which German citizens were granted citizenship by the Third Reich depending on their “legacy papers”. (How many in India have these papers?) The anti-CAA-NRC moment faded away after the mass protests led to the murder of protesters and the incarceration of activists. But the protests caused the government to slow down the implementation of those new laws.

But now the CAA-NRC, which many correctly believed was aimed mostly at Muslims, has returned, disguised as the SIR (Special Intensive Revision) of electoral rolls. We have casually been informed that even our passports are not proof  of citizenship. Millions are being struck off electoral rolls. The whole country is desperately searching for “legacy papers”. We don’t know where we stand. Are we legitimate? Illegitimate? Do we have rights? Which of us belongs in those massive detention centres being constructed for “doubtful citizens”? Will we spend our days running from Tribunal to Tribunal? Fascists love chaos and confusion.

Our panic and anguish may lead us to pin too much hope on the cockroach uprising. Some have already compared it to the uprising of young people that led to regime change in Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka. But India is too vast a country for that to happen. Others compare it to the movement led by Jayaprakash Narayan that toppled Indira Gandhi in 1977. These comparisons are not helpful. The Cockroach Janta Party is neither of those things. It is a thing of its own. A unique product of its times. It is vulnerable young people up against a vicious, vindictive government that has shown itself to be merciless to those who oppose it. Revenge is surely being planned and will be visited on those it sees as the main instigators.

How does a regime which is clearly becoming hugely unpopular have the confidence to not make any concessions to the people who voted for it? Probably because it feels it has successfully gamed the election business. It has captured the machinery. The Election Commission is flawed in its very composition and can no longer be counted upon to be neutral. The electronic voting machines have been managed, the electoral rolls now exclude millions of real people and include millions of phantom names, the bureaucracy that oversees elections have shown themselves to be utterly complicit, the courts can be depended upon to delay or turn a blind eye to egregious malpractice, the police have no idea what neutrality is, the press genuflects each time someone in power clicks their fingers. Constituencies are going to be re-mapped to make sure that it is always Advantage BJP. What does the ruling party have to fear? Why should it listen to anyone? It is the richest political party on earth, backed by the richest industrialists in the world. It can buy anything. And anyone. Or so it believes.

But can this game last forever? Can all the people be fooled all the time? Can a country with a population of a billion-and-a-half be dragged around like a corpse forever? It cannot. The cockroaches are out and about. The farmers have begun marching to Delhi  once more, this time to protest the India-US trade deal – the death warrant the government of India has slavishly agreed to sign  on their behalf. The borders of the city have been sealed but that is unlikely to stop them. Perhaps the rest of us can take lessons from our farmers and our cockroaches on how to become a little dangerous. The young have given us a gift. It is up to us all, every one of us to make what they have done matter.

Once a prime minister flees physically, it can’t be long before he has to flee politically.

But this regime will not go easily. It will not tolerate being humiliated on the streets of the capital. We are likely to see blood. Young tempers are fraying. How long will it be before someone in that youthful, fired-up crowd loses their cool and provides the police an excuse to open fire? They will do everything they can to break us. We must do everything we can to stop them.

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India and Pakistan: A Conversation That Refused To End

DISARMAMENT AND SECURITY .

Special to CPN from Nawal Amjad

On Thursday, 2 July 2026, people from two countries with one of the greatest global flashpoints came together — India and Pakistan. These countries fought a war last year, but here is thing about the need to pursue peace: it is not a permanent end goal but a continuous process — and every worthwhile process has to be revived like it did not exist, but also like it never stopped.

The event was hosted in collaboration by civil society organizations like, Socialist Yuvjan Sabha (India), Socialist Students’ Union (India) with Centre for Peace and Secular Studies (Pakistan), including luminaries like Dr. Sandeep Pandey, Ms. Lalita Ramdas and Ms. Diep Saeeda, who enabled the space for a discussion between people of the two countries.

The event was moderated by Rumaan Mecci (India) and Ahmad Raza (Pakistan), who navigated the event with all their light whether there was no electricity or internet (quite literally), or there were other bleak moments from some trolls in the audience that the moderators’ fellow, Rishi Anand helped keep away seamlessly.

If I have to begin with introducing this event, so it was a virtual dialogue themed on, ‘How can young people lead a new chapter of peace-building, democratic engagement and people-to-people diplomacy between Pakistan and India and create a shared future?’ Young changemakers along with individuals that have dedicated a substantial part of their lives to a Culture of Peace were there. And what is particularly special about this event is how it had enthusiastic participation from citizens from both countries, even expats who have spent years nurturing their and their polities’ identities abroad.

I was also honored to have been invited there because of my background with helping nourish a Culture of Peace in the last few years, and more recently, through my affiliation with Peace Manifesto 2025 and the Culture of Peace Corporation since last year.

When I had attended this dialogue, I did not maintain notes (something that I seldom forget when attending every webinar till date, even if I am a passive part of it), but in hindsight, I realized that perhaps making notes would have been a good way to document every noteworthy sentence that I heard in the discussion, however, some things need to be experienced — and so having chosen to be my usual geeky self would not have been this helpful.

What I in turn realized was that this event was indeed a watershed moment. Not because in the most academically fancy terms, changemakers, particularly young changemakers from two ‘archrivals’ came together one evening, but because an originally envisioned two-hour-long event went on for about almost four hours. If that surprised you, I’m not surprised, because that was the exact reaction of my mentor-boss, Professor David Adams, who has been one of the pioneers at UNESCO to have conceived the idea of a Culture of Peace for the whole world, decades ago and since then, he has not looked back from working for it despite what his friend-colleague described to him to be an increasingly apocaloptimistic world.

The need for a shared future

Monica Wahi, a prominent child film specialist from India opened the discussion by her reflections emphasizing upon the need for a ‘shared future’ — to this, I both responded and opened my address by saying that we would only need to have a shared future, if we had been divided — we were never really divided. I began by speaking about our ‘shared challenges’ as two struggling domestic polities: India, whom we clearly looked up to before the world’s greatest democracy increasingly began to deconsolidate, and our own democracy in Pakistan, having struggled to consolidate since forever.

Take the recent student protests in India for example. The National Eligibility cum Entrance Test (NEET)’s leak in India is the same as the Medical and Dental College Test (MDCAT)’s leaks in Pakistan; besides, the unfair grading replete with discrepancies that led to reconduct of the former in Pakistan only speaks volumes of how ‘we are always in this together’ is an apt phrase to describe most of what we both suffer. In fact, when I saw the police dragging protesters and even India’s seasoned politician Rahul Gandhi upon the country’s streets, I asked my own audience on my private Instagram the other day that, ‘Can I also say that our democracies are Sanjhi? Sanjhi is a Punjabi language word used commonly by people of both sides of the border which translates to as, ‘shared’.

Now back to the dialogue. I spoke of our many commonalities using very distinct set of things, but each weaving into why or how we are not that divided, if only we admit to realize. For instance, I spoke of my childhood familiarization with the word, ‘actor’ through watching Shah Rukh Khan, Indian superstar whom I referred to as, ‘Sharo Khan’ for the longest time — my first vivid TV memory of childhood.

Similarly, when women in India and Pakistan, both have to constantly register their existence through apparently needing to ‘break a glass ceiling’ rather than realizing that the latter only concretizes it, and when the news of women’s abuse of any nature circulates in the media or otherwise, the reasons and ramifications on both sides of the border are not different. In fact, even when a 150-year-old tree in Lahore is cut and so is a 100-year-old tree in Nashik, India — the hue of cry in the civilized people of both sides of the border is the same — and the vested interests of the powers that be responsible and or complicit in these cases are also the same.

During the dialogue, I also drew attention to my belief in the power of SDG 4.7: the seventh target of the fourth Sustainable Development Goal, Education, which is about working for and embodying values and practices of Global Citizenship Education and Sustainability; the non-exceptionalist nature of climate change sparing no one; my love for what all India has done and continues to do for entrepreneurship — thanks to me marveling at (Shark Tank India) as one of the many emblems of what we got to learn from them; a need for a Joint Pakistan-India Parliament where the youth could discuss the day-to-day issues of ‘shared interest’; a Public Diplomacy Centre to deepen people-to-people connectivity between both nations and some form of a Public Interest Promotion Centre/ Declaration, that enables us to teach each other best practices on governance, foreign policy, education, public health-care, technology, entrepreneurship, media and of course, art, culture and entertainment — no matter our piercing differences continue to stare into our faces.

If I begin to describe everything said by everyone, the article would never end, but I still deem it necessary to share brief takeaways from my fellow youth panelists from within my country and across the border.

Opportunities for dialogue

Tiya Mhatre, a student based in AliBaugh near Mumbai, who is about to join UWC Pearson University and is passionate about UN simulation conferences (just like I used to be) said something really helpful, Tiya pointed out that while student diasporas are one of those key scarce spaces remaining for youth of both countries to connect to each other, there are more opportunities through universities and student communities that ought to be explored; may it be collaborating through dialogues like these; joint projects; cultural exchanges on areas like, climate change, public health-care, sustainability and innovation — because in Tiya’s eyes, lasting peace begins with trust and trust begins with conversation, and while the former cannot resolve complex regional issues, it can indeed preserve something essential, the willingness to ‘keep talking’.

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Questions for this article:

Can peace be established between India and Pakistan?

Solidarity across national borders, What are some good examples?

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Another fellow panelist, Kabir Rao, who is a student of philosophy and Arabic at the University of St Andrews from India, and besides his interests in politics and military affairs for the Middle East, he is also attempting to learn Urdu and Farsi — yes, you heard that right. A Hindu in India studying philosophy and Arabic. Learning Urdu and Farsi. Kabir emphasized on his turn about the organic link between our shared struggles for a non-militaristic, non-violent and democratic outlook and better relations with neighbors at home. He also highlighted the similarities between India and Pakistan’s ‘connected histories’ and our present-day struggles. He further argued that the working class in both countries, especially the young people within it ought to understand these similarities and base their struggles on them.

A poem than transcends national boundaries

Kabir ended his points by reciting a verse from a poem, ‘Black Out’ by Faiz Ahmed Faiz, a poet with ‘Pakistani origins’ and whose services for the country were oxygen for the progressive and democratic lungs of the country. The verse reads as,

ایک پل ٹھہرو کہ دریا کا کہیں پاٹ لگے
اور نیا دل میرا
زہر میں دھل کے، فنا ہو کے
کسی گھاٹ لگے
پھر پئے نذر نئے دیدہ و دل لے کے چلوں
حسن کی مدح کروں شوق کا مضمون لکھوں

Which translates to English as, ‘Wait a moment, so the river may somewhere find its shore, and my tender heart, washed in poison and dissolved, may reach a landing place.
Then I shall walk on, offering the lit lamps of my heart’s anguish, singing praises to beauty, and penning the treatise of longing.’

Such is our ‘shared’, or dare I say, inseparable history and legacy of our people, that is only telling of how profoundly we need a deliberate and a very consistent cultivation of a Culture of Peace.

Science and health transcend national boundaries

Another panelist, Iqra Preet, who is a PhD Biochemistry scholar and a researcher in nanotechnology-based treatment for multiple diseases based in Lahore, Pakistan said something that every other participant from (even within the audience) kept echoing till the end: how shared scientific research and investment in public health-care does not need to see who belongs to which nation. In my understanding, how a sample on a microscope, a DNA or a virus should override our very fragile fixation with our yet-to-understand fantasies of our so-called perfected nation-states.

Culture transcends national boundaries

Then it was Ritu Das, who is a queer feminist activist from Uttar Pradesh, based in Lucknow, India and is also a poet and has been active in the movement spaces for almost a decade. She utilized her turn by recalling her stay experience in a hotel in London. Among her hotel staff were two individuals — one, a Hindu Indian from Rajasthan — the other who was a Muslim from Bangladesh. To Ritu’s surprise, the connection felt and built more deeply and meaningfully with the Muslim from Bangladesh than her own fellow citizen.

According to Ritu, it was because of the cultural and linguistic boundaries that transcended the political border separating the region. It helped Ritu reinforce an important sociological insight: it is often our shared cultural and historical inheritances that sustain solidarities. In fact, Ritu’s grandmother’s narration of the violence events during partition taught Ritu something very poignant: she recounted violence with extreme ethical sensitivity and the latter was quoted by Ritu to have told them, ‘People of every community were killed and people of every community were forced to leave their homes, foregrounding human suffering rather than communal identity.’ As a member of a marginalized community, Ritu has witnessed Bangladeshi transgender communities drawing parallels between India’s Transgender Card Framework and Bangladesh’s Hijra Identity recognition, despite different political and legal systems — proving in the words of Ritu that, ‘struggles for dignity, recognition and justice frequently transcend national borders, producing what may be understood as transnational communities of care and resistance.’

The webinar was also attended by celebrated practitioners like, Sachendra Pratap Yadav, President of the Socialist Students’ Union and a PhD scholar at the BITS Pilani, Hyderabad Campus, India; Sanjay Gadhalay, an engineer, entrepreneur and Climate activist from Hyderabad India; Mazher Hussain, who runs Confederation of Voluntary Agencies (COVA) from Hyderabad, India and is a long-time peace activist; Shivi Upadhyay, recent PhD scholar in social work from Delhi University and a development activist who works in Goa at present; Razi Raziuddin, who can be uniquely distinguished because he studied at both Aligarh University and Banaras Hindu University and now works as a scientist in the United States of America and runs a diaspora forum; Cedric Prakash, a Catholic priest and a prominent human rights activist from Ahmedabad, India; Father Anand, Catholic activist, priest and playwright from Varanasi, India; Sheema Kermani, prominent classical dancer, actor and social activist from Pakistan among others.

The conversation refuses to end

This convergence was not easy owing to trolls constantly trying to keep the moderators on their toes, and even us attendees wondering if it would go on smoothly? There was, of course, a shared anxiousness around letting the audiences also participate by risking giving them a mic. Some of them were trolls, but most of them were also equally or even more elated than us to have been there, and it is these same people, the common people, with whom the discussion went on for almost four hours. Some of these people contributed by narrating tales of being constantly anxiety-ridden because of growing up in a military background — and the very solid and legitimate fear of losing their loved ones. But there were also those that wanted to call a spade a spade, and hence demanded us to not pretend like everything was hunky dory, but to both acknowledge and embrace the discomfort — talk out loud about the elephant in the room, issues like cross-border terrorism and Kashmir to name a few. Others simply encouraged and looked forward to more honest and uncomfortable conversations regularly in the future.

Before the article’s title starts to influence me (and it literally never ends), I am thinking of concluding this piece just when I have heard about the education minister in India resigning — if this is true victory for people of India is premature to say because systemic changes have a long way to go before they bear fruits. Notwithstanding that the ‘cockroaches’ in India were heard, and a seed has to be planted somewhere for it to appear to be bearing fruits later — and that gives me: a cockroach in Pakistan — a glimmer of relief for the justice of the dozens of those innocent students, who lost their lives just because their system failed them. But whether it is the cockroaches in India or in Pakistan, the conversation hopefully refuses to end.

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African Youth Advancing the Sustainable Development Goals and AU Agenda 2063: From Dialogue to Action

. . SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT . .

Special to CPNN from Winner Ogogo

“Beyond the borders that separate us lies a shared purpose, to build an Africa that is peaceful, inclusive, innovative, and driven by the potential of its young people.”

This vision came alive at the 6th African Youth SDGs Summit, held in Accra, Ghana, from 23–25 July 2026, where young leaders, policymakers, innovators, and development practitioners from across the continent gathered to advance conversations on sustainable development and the aspirations of the African Union’s Agenda 2063.

The summit reinforced an important reality: Africa’s youth are not merely beneficiaries of development, they are active contributors, innovators, and leaders driving solutions within their communities.

Among the voices contributing to these continental conversations was Winner Ogogo, a Nigerian peacebuilder, communication specialist, and Founder of the Humanitarian Advocacy Peace and Education Initiative (HAPEI). As a panel speaker, she joined fellow leaders in the session, “Breaking Barriers: Unlocking the Full Potential of Women and Marginalized Voices,” where discussions centered on creating inclusive systems that enable women and marginalized communities to fully participate in Africa’s development.

Drawing from her experience in grassroots peacebuilding and youth empowerment, Winner emphasized that sustainable development cannot be achieved without intentional inclusion.

Every voice counts

“When every voice counts, every solution becomes stronger. True inclusion goes beyond representation, it requires creating opportunities for meaningful participation and shared leadership.”

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(Click here for an article on this subject in French.)

Question for this article:

Can the African Union help bring a culture of peace to Africa?

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She further stressed that if Africa is truly committed to the promise of leaving no one behind, then governments, institutions, civil society organizations, and development partners must move beyond symbolic participation. Young people, women, persons with disabilities, indigenous communities, rural populations, and other underrepresented groups must be recognized as partners in shaping policies, designing programmes, and making decisions that directly affect their lives.

The panel highlighted that empowering women and marginalized communities is not solely a matter of social justice; it is a strategic investment in Africa’s peace, economic growth, innovation, and sustainable development. Inclusive societies are more resilient, more prosperous, and better positioned to address the complex challenges facing the continent.

For lasting change

Reflecting on the discussions, Winner concluded:

“Lasting change happens when we move beyond consultation to genuine collaboration, where communities are not merely beneficiaries of development but co-creators of the future we seek to build.”

Beyond the formal sessions, the summit fostered collaboration among delegates from across Africa, creating opportunities for cross-border partnerships, cultural exchange, and shared learning. These interactions reflected the spirit of Pan-Africanism envisioned in Agenda 2063 – an Africa driven by its people, where collaboration, innovation, and unity become the foundation for sustainable progress.

As Africa accelerates efforts toward achieving the Sustainable Development Goals and realizing the aspirations of Agenda 2063, one message emerged clearly from the summit: the continent’s greatest resource is its people, particularly its young people. Investing in youth leadership, promoting gender equality, and ensuring inclusive participation are no longer optional, they are essential for building the peaceful, prosperous, and inclusive Africa we all envision.

The future of Africa will not be shaped by aspirations alone. It will be shaped by young people who are willing to lead, collaborate, and transform ideas into action, one community, one partnership, and one solution at a time.

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La Alpujarra, Granada, Spain: Manifest Pueblos por la Paz

.. DEMOCRATIC PARTICIPATION ..

Special to CPNN from Pepe Jesús García Aragón

La Taha Town Council has declared the seven villages of La Taha as ‘Villages for Peace’.

We present here the declaration and manifesto, unanimously approved by the full council on June 17, 2025.

From La Taha Town Council, we encourage everyone to create, TOGETHER, the opportunity to transform the culture of war and violence into a culture of peace and non-violence.


MANIFEST LA TAHA TOWN COUNCIL ‘PUEBLOS POR LA PAZ’

A single stream of water comes down from Mount Mulhacén and, when it touches our irrigation ditches, it becomes life. Likewise, a single idea – peace – descends today into our hearts and makes them beat together.

From the chestnut trees of Pitres to the terraces of Atalbéitar; from the viewpoints of Capilerilla to the alleys of Ferreirola, and the tinaos of Mecina-Fondales, our land knows about hospitality and effort.

In each stone nests the memory of those who knew how to care and be cared for.

Today, in the face of the pain that devastates so many corners of the planet, we raise our voices.

PEACE AS A LIVING HERITAGE

The Alpujarra has been, over the centuries, a crossroads of cultures. Moors, settlers and travelers brought diverse customs that took root without erasing each other: that coexistence is our best legacy.

Every agricultural terrace that shapes the mountain, every tinao (porch) that protects from the midday sun, testifies to cooperation as a form of survival.

Defending peace is, therefore, defending our own history and projecting it towards tomorrow.

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(Click here for the Manifesto in Spanish)

Questions for this article:

How important is community development for a culture of peace?

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PROCLAMATION

Gathered in the heart of the Alpujarra region of Granada, we solemnly declare that the seven villages that make up our municipality—Pitres, Capilerilla, Mecina, Mecinilla, Fondales, Ferreirola, and Atalbéitar—recognize and name themselves: “Pueblos por la Paz” (Villages for Peace).

This declaration is not an empty symbol: it is a profound commitment, a daily task, a seed that we must water with the clean water of justice, freedom, and dignity.

OUR VISION

• A community where differences are celebrated as a shared asset.
• A territory that offers dignified opportunities to young people so they do not have to leave.
• Town squares that are agoras of dialogue, music, and poetry, never trenches of verbal violence.
• A municipality that participates in building peace beyond its borders, supporting those who suffer from war and exclusion.

WHY WE DO IT

• Because the world needs lighthouses that remind us that violence is not destiny.
• Because we believe that every girl and boy deserves to grow up without fear.
• Because the nature that sustains us only flourishes where there is respect.
• Because our ancestors bequeathed us the value of a given word and an extended hand.
• Because peace is not stillness, but a path that is walked together.
• Because the singing of the ditches is only possible if the channel is free of fear.

OUR COMMITMENTS

• Reject all forms of violence and actively work for non-violence in our streets, homes and schools.
• Defend the life and dignity of each person, without distinction of sex, origin, culture or faith.
• Take care of our natural environment with sustainable practices that guarantee water, air and land for future generations.
• Promote education in values ​​of empathy, dialogue and cooperation, strengthening the voice of our young people.
• Make visible and celebrate the good actions that sow peace among us, so that they inspire other people.
• Create alliances with institutions and communities around the world that share this desire, learning and sharing paths.
• Allocate our resources, creativity and effort to projects that reduce inequality and promote inclusion.
• Commemorate each year the International Day of Peace, the Day of Non-violence and any dates that remind us that peace needs to be celebrated and renewed.

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English bulletin July 1, 2026

SLOW NEWS VERSUS FAST NEWS .

The commercial media emphasize “fast news” or what they often call “breaking news.” This tends to ignore or mask the fundamental processes that make for deep historical change by accumulating slowly over time. Their fast news is filled with stories about wars and the threat of wars around the world. They are not reporting what we can call the “slow news for peace.” See my blog for an analysis.

But we can find much slow news for peace in CPNN this month.

Writing in the website of Foreign Policy in Focus, the American historian Lawrence Wittner provides abundant evidence from various surveys that public support for international solidarity and cooperation is very substantial, and growing in many countries, including the United States. This includes public trust for the United Nations and the World Health Organization.

The World Peace Foundation, affiliated with the Fletcher School of Global Affairs at Tufts University in Boston has published a global mapping of contemporary peace-focused work in which they mention in particular the following organizations in the various regions:

North America and Europe: Oxford Network of Peace Studies; Stockholm International Peace Research Institute; the Peace Research Institute Oslo

Latin America: FLACSO Ecuador’s Acción No Violenta program; CALAS Visions of Peace research program; University for Peace in Costa Rica

Africa: West Africa Network for Peacebuilding;  African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes 

Oceania: University of Otago’s National Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies; Transcend Oceania 

Middle East: Arab Forum for Alternatives  in Lebanon

Asia:  Toda Peace Institute in Japan;  Mindanao Peacebuilding Institute  in the Philippines

The initiatives listed in CPNN this month go beyond the list of the World Peace Foundation.

North America and Europe:

° In London, over 3,000 delegates from across Europe gathered for the second International Conference Against War

° The School for a Culture of Peace at the Autonomous Universiy of Barcelona has released its annual report on the world’s armed conflicts

° The Catholic Institute for Nonviolence in Rome has added a new co-director, coming from the American peace organization Pace é Bene

Latin America:

°,At the National Autonomous University of Mexico, a commission has been established to develop content on a culture of peace

° In the Dominican Republic a program of violence reduction and peace culture promotion has been established in schools

° In Honduras, the sixth edition of the World Peace Congress will take place in August

Africa:

° In Benin, the seventeenth edition of the World Social Forum will take place in August

Oceania:

° Leaders from the Pacific Islands are considering how to turn the Blue Pacific Ocean of Peace Declaration into a regional treaty.

Asia:

° Youth leaders from 33 countries took part in the 12th Youth Leadership Workshop on GCED in Seoul, Republic of Korea with the theme “Translating Peace into Action.”

In the long run, which is more important for human history, the fast news or the slow news?

If the fast news leads to a Nuclear World War III it may be the end of human history. Otherwise, we may hope that the slow news will enable us to survive this dangerous period of history and help us to cultivate a culture of peace.

DISARMAMENT & SECURITY


London: International Conference Against War

SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT


The China–Gulf axis is reshaping renewable energy in the Global South

DEMOCRATIC PARTICIPATION


World Peace Congress: An International Network Uniting Cultures, Committed to Dialogue

WOMEN’S EQUALITY


Report on Strategic Plan by UN Women Executive Director Sima Bahous

  

TOLERANCE & SOLIDARITY


Haiti: National Conference : Commitments of religious leaders, joint declaration

EDUCATION FOR PEACE


Dominican Republic: Violence Reduction and Peace Culture Promotion Program in Schools

FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION


UAB School for a Culture of Peace annual report: highest number of armed conflicts in the world in the past decade

HUMAN RIGHTS


US: UN High Commissioner for Human Rights alarmed at deaths in ICE custody, calls for urgent preventive action

UNESCO Korean workshop: Translating Peace into Action

… TOLERANCE AND SOLIDARITY …

A page from Linked-in of Edvard Grigoryan

From declarations to action — translating peace into something you can actually feel.

This June, I had the honor of being one of 42 youth leaders from 33 countries selected to take part in the 12th Youth Leadership Workshop on GCED in Seoul, Republic of Korea.

The theme couldn’t have spoken more directly to my work in Peace and Conflict Resolution: “Translating Peace into Action: Leveraging Media and the Arts for Youth Advocacy.”

We kept returning to one question that has stayed with me since:
“Do we have the courage to face the realities of our time, and allow ourselves to feel deeply enough that it transforms us and our future?”

Over five intensive days, we moved beyond theory and into practice. A few moments that marked me:

→ A keynote on whether youth can truly promote peace in an era of global crisis

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Question for this article:

Youth initiatives for a culture of peace, How can we ensure they get the attention and funding they deserve?

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→ A powerful session on the Art of Peacebuilding through Theatre of the Oppressed, turning conflict into embodied understanding

→ Hands-on labs on Media and Information Literacy and countering hate speech — essential skills for anyone working in conflict-sensitive spaces

→ Confronting ethics and empathy in the age of AI

→ A deeply moving visit to the War & Women’s Human Rights Museum, a reminder of why this work matters

→ And throughout it all, designing real, community-based action plans we’ll carry home

What made this experience extraordinary was the people — peacemakers, artists, journalists, and changemakers from every corner of the world, all proving that peace is not a policy text. It’s something we build, practice, and live every day.

This workshop was made possible by UNESCO Asia-Pacific Centre of Education for International Understanding (APCEIU) and the UNESCO MGIEP Mahatma Gandhi Institute of Education for Peace and Sustainable Development, in partnership with the GCED Youth Network — a remarkable demonstration of UNESCO’s commitment to equipping young people to lead transformative change.

For someone whose path is rooted in peace and conflict resolution, this was more than a workshop. It was a reminder that the most durable peace begins with empathy — and that media and the arts may be among our most underused tools for advocacy.

Grateful, energized, and ready to translate this into action.

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Pacific Islands: New paper proposes turning the Ocean of Peace Declaration into a regional treaty

DISARMAMENT AND SECURITY .

An article from the Pacific Security College

Evolving the Blue Pacific Ocean of Peace Declaration into a regional peace and security treaty could provide predictability in a period of increasing geostrategic competition, a new policy paper published by the Pacific Security College suggests.


Leaders at the Ocean of Peace Commemorative Ceremony at the 54th Pacific Islands Forum Leaders’ Meeting in Honiara, Solomon Islands. Photo: Pacific Security College

The Ocean of Peace: Vision to Treaty  weighs the benefits and risks of turning the Ocean of Peace Declaration, endorsed by Pacific leaders in 2025, into a legally binding agreement. The paper proposes negotiating a new regional peace and security treaty as a Protocol to the Treaty of Rarotonga.

Author Ben Burdon said that, amid growing geopolitical tensions, it was useful to reflect on how the Pacific could maximise its agency and authority in its own interests.

“The Pacific’s strategic vision is made clear in the Blue Pacific Ocean of Peace Declaration,” Mr Burdon said.

[Editor’s note: Click here for a copy of the Blue Pacific Ocean of Peace Declaration. Note that it commits to cultivating a culture of peace grounded in the Pacific Way.]

“Embedding the Ocean of Peace and Pacific values and norms into international law and practice, as has been done with nuclear weapons, fishing and climate change, is a potential next step.

“Negotiating a new treaty as a protocol to Rarotonga would turn a respected nuclear-free zone into a legally binding regional peace and security system – one built and owned by the Pacific.”

The protocol proposed in the paper – dubbed ‘Rarotonga II’ – includes principles such as establishing the Pacific as a Zone of Peace, recognising climate security as a peace obligation, and providing a mechanism for external partners to formally commit to Pacific peace and security law and practice.

“Rarotonga II would introduce prior consultation, transparency and collective discussion. It would reduce surprise and mistrust between Pacific countries and external powers, while strengthening regionalism,” Mr Burdon said.

In 2027, China is expected to acquire the capability to retake Taiwan militarily. While capacity does not equate intent, Mr Burdon’s paper notes that the Pacific’s strategic geography would be critical for military access and denial.

“While a regional peace and security treaty is not without risk, the strategic guardrails set out in such an agreement could help the Pacific manage the difficult geopolitical environment ahead,” Mr Burdon said.

Professor Dave Peebles, Director of the Pacific Security College, said the paper’s publication comes at a time of growing uncertainty across the region.

“The Pacific’s capacity to come together in pursuit of common goals remains one of its greatest strengths – and one that carries particular weight in an increasingly contested strategic environment,” Professor Peebles said.

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Question for this article:

Where in the world are zones of peace?

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“The proposal will undoubtedly generate both support and critique. That’s its value, when the topic is so important and the stakes are so high.

“Policy papers published by the College are designed to prompt careful reflection and constructive debate, and to create space for diverse perspectives on the region’s most pressing issues.”

The Ocean of Peace: Vision to Treaty includes insights from four regional experts with backgrounds spanning international law, diplomacy, politics, academia and governance: Tuiloma Neroni Slade, Dr Sandra Tarte, Dr Anna Naupa and Sione Tekiteki.

Tuiloma, former Secretary General of the Pacific Islands Forum, observed that Mr Burdon’s account of the sensitivities involved in developing a new protocol to the Treaty of Rarotonga was both realistic and perceptive.

“I broadly agree with his assessment of both the possible benefits and the attendant risks, particularly the danger of destabilising existing security relationships, fragmenting Pacific unity, and inviting geopolitical backlash,” he said.

Tuiloma acknowledged the challenges of making and revising treaties and suggested that rather than reopening the Treaty of Rarotonga, it could be more practical to strengthen implementation of the existing text.

“The Pacific is strongest when it acts collectively. Whatever form the next steps for the Ocean of Peace may take, they will need to be guided by unity and deepened regionalism.”

Dr Tarte, from the University of the South Pacific, recognised the clear pathway set out by the paper for codifying key principles of the Ocean of Peace, while bolstering the key role the Treaty of Rarotonga plays in the Pacific’s security architecture.

“It significantly advances thinking around how to manage inter-state tensions and external engagement, thereby promoting greater transparency in security matters and reaffirming the rules-based order,” Dr Tarte said.

Dr Tarte acknowledged that the Ocean of Peace Declaration has provided a pivotal platform for advocating Pacific priorities on the global stage.

“It is time to take the next step and, as this discussion paper explores, to ‘turn vision into law’,” Dr Tarte said.

Dr Naupa, from the Pacific Security College, welcomed Mr Burdon’s pragmatism in leveraging the 40-year-old Treaty of Rarotonga and his consideration of what Pacific deterrence options look like in today’s world.

She emphasised the importance of inclusive consultation and grassroots-driven processes in any future regional peace and security decisions.

“State-led security strategies must be Pacific peoples-centred and address historical legacies,” Dr Naupa said.

“Designing a regional deterrence model needs to consider how these long-standing elements of Pacific regional policy would be integrated into the preventative diplomacy model proposed by Burdon.”

Mr Tekiteki, from the Auckland University of Technology Law School, said an Ocean of Peace protocol would be an attempt to institutionalise and safeguard Pacific agency.

“The idea of an Ocean of Peace treaty framed as a protocol to the Treaty of Rarotonga is compelling, particularly in its attempt to move the Pacific beyond the largely normative framing of the Blue Pacific Continent towards something more concrete and grounded in legal order,” he said.

“Deeper regional security coordination may strengthen solidarity and collectively position the region against intensifying geopolitical competition.”

The Pacific Security College’s policy paper series  aims to contribute a diversity of views and ideas to regional conversations about the journey to 2050.

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The China–Gulf axis is reshaping renewable energy in the Global South

.. SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT ..

An article by Safa Joudeh in the East Asia Forum (reprinted according to Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 4.0 International

The United Arab Emirates and China are jointly delivering utility-scale wind and solar projects, with the former providing diplomatic access and financial firepower and the latter delivering the technology and construction.

In late 2025, the UAE-based company Global South Utilities launched 50-megawatt solar projects in the Central African Republic and Madagascar with Chinese firms supplying core technology. In early 2026, UAE state-owned renewable energy giant Masdar signed an agreement to build and operate the 300-megawatt Guzar Solar and Battery Energy Storage Project in Uzbekistan, again using Chinese photovoltaic modules and battery storage systems.


From Argentina to Costa Rica and Chile, Masdar is looking to replicate this model through partnerships with Latin American state-run energy projects, with China serving as the critical enabler anchoring supply chains, co-financing deals and deploying infrastructure at scale.

This pattern of China–UAE cooperation is likely to accelerate as global energy markets remain volatile following the US–Israeli war on Iran. Governments across the Global South are seeking to diversify into renewable energy sources, creating new market opportunities for emerging players. While this pattern first emerged due to energy disruptions in the wake of the pandemic, increased volatility in global energy markets in the wake of the US–Israeli war on Iran promises to further accelerate this trend

The China–UAE renewable energy axis is more than a commercial partnership. It is a convergence of state-capitalist models that is reshaping energy transitions in the Global South. By jointly expanding their global energy engagements, China and the UAE are systematically extending their strategic and commercial footprints in global energy markets, and in doing so ushering in an increasingly multipolar global energy order.

Fossil fuels still supply nearly 60 per cent of global electricity generation, with nuclear accounting for 9 per cent and renewables around one third. But the balance is beginning to shift, as renewables now drive nearly three-quarters of the year-on-year growth in electricity generation — even as fossil-fuel output continues to rise.

The drivers are largely economic. Hybrid solar and wind systems combined with battery storage can now deliver electricity at costs competitive with coal and gas. With financing and infrastructure support, green transitions are not only viable but financially rational.

Geopolitical shocks have strengthened this shift, beginning with the disruption to global oil and gas markets following international sanctions on Russia after its invasion of Ukraine in 2022. The closure of the Strait of Hormuz, which supplies 80 per cent of crude oil and 90 per cent of liquefied natural gas bound for Asian markets, has triggered a severe oil supply shock.

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Question for this article:

Are we making progress in renewable energy?

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Policy responses have been contradictory. Some governments have sought to ensure fossil fuel accessibility by ramping up coal output and reinstating energy subsidies. But the crisis has also accelerated a longer-term reorientation. India is fast-tracking its wind and solar pipelines alongside emergency coal measures, while Indonesia has ordered 100 gigawatts of solar capacity and is targeting full vehicle electrification. The Philippines has also fast-tracked 1.5 gigawatts of renewable projects to secure domestic power delivery.

Against this backdrop, Chinese and Gulf companies, primarily from Saudi Arabia and the UAE, are positioned to supply renewable energy infrastructure. As the world’s largest green technology producer, China already holds a structural advantage. It controls 80–90 per cent of global solar photovoltaic manufacturing capacity while Chinese firms account for 78 per cent of the global wind turbine market. Chinese firms are also dominant in lithium-ion battery production and the processing of rare earth elements and critical minerals.

A decade of state-backed investment has driven solar photovoltaic and battery production costs down by 90 per cent, eroding the market share of Western companies like Vestas and Siemens and making Chinese firms dominant global suppliers of reliable, low-cost energy technologies.

But rising trade barriers in the West and parts of Asia, along with geopolitical tensions, have curtailed Chinese firms’ role as developers. China is responding by pivoting from developer to enabler, partnering with Gulf entities like Masdar, AMEA Power and Saudi Arabia’s Acwa to finance and develop projects that deploy Chinese technology.

The logic of the alliance is straightforward. Gulf sovereign wealth-backed developers collaborate with Chinese suppliers and contractors to construct renewable energy facilities. Gulf companies originate, design and manage projects, using diplomatic relationships to win concessions and secure financing. Chinese entities remain involved as suppliers and engineering, procurement and construction contractors. As structural demand surges in markets where the China–Gulf axis is active, these actors are positioned as the most competitive bidders for tenders across Asia, Africa and Latin America.

Masdar’s state backing gives it an exceptionally low cost of capital, enabling it to bid the lowest electricity tariffs seen in any emerging market and win government tenders across Asia, including in Uzbekistan and Indonesia. It has also set a record low solar tariff in Africa through a joint venture in Cote d’Ivoire.

Masdar relies on Chinese suppliers and contractors to win competitive tenders while bypassing Western manufacturers. The result is deeper entrenchment of Chinese technology and supply chains across Global South energy infrastructure.

The China–Gulf axis is reshaping who builds and finances renewable energy in the Global South. More importantly, it is also influencing where projects are built, on what political terms and within whose geostrategic orbit countries access and govern their energy future.

The International Energy Agency projects global renewable electricity capacity will expand by thousands of gigawatts by 2030, with global state-backed utilities positioned to dominate this landscape. The emerging risk is that the energy transition, conceived as an ecological project, is being consolidated into a new model of capital accumulation and infrastructure dependency, with a new set of state-backed green utility managers at its centre.