Category Archives: DISARMAMENT & SECURITY

Speech by the Permanent Representative of Cuba to the United Nations, Ambassador Ernesto Soberón Guzmán, at the commemorative event of the 12th Anniversary of the Proclamation of Latin America and the Caribbean as a Zone of Peace

DISARMAMENT & SECURITY .

Cuba’s Representative Office Abroad

Assistant Secretary-General for the Middle East, Europe, the Americas, Asia and the Pacific, Mr. Khaled Khiari,

High-ranking officials un the UN Secretariat,

Distinguished Ambassadors,

Brothers and Sisters of Latin America and the Caribbean,

Dear colleagues,

Twelve years later, we are gathered on a date of profound significance for the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean. On 29 January 2014, the Heads of State and Government of CELAC adopted a landmark decision in Havana: to proclaim our region a Zone of Peace.


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Such a Proclamation of Latin America and the Caribbean as a Zone of Peace signed by the Heads of State and Government of the region was a major historic event.

The Proclamation materialized the historic wishes of our people and their fighters for independence, those who envisioned and fought for a free and united Great Motherland, which José Martí called “Our America.”

It was an affirmation of dignity, sovereignty, and confidence in genuine regional integration. It was our joint decision to reject war, coercion, or interference aimed at seizing our region. It was our collective commitment to dialogue, cooperation, and mutual respect—in favor of a true culture of peace.

It committed us to settling differences among nations peacefully, through dialogue and negotiation, with absolute respect for international law—and thereby to banish forever the use or threat of force in our region.

It endorsed the renewed commitment of our States to promoting nuclear disarmament as a primary goal, as well as contributing to general and complete disarmament, with a view to strengthening trust across all nations.

It indicated the path for a peaceful living and for cooperation to face up challenges and to jointly solve the problems which affect us all.

With it, we committed ourselves to fulfilling our “obligation not to interfere, directly or indirectly, in the internal affairs of another State and to observe the principles of national sovereignty, equal rights and the self-determination of peoples”, as well as to respecting the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law.

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(Click here for the article in Spanish.)

Questions related to this article:
 
Latin America, has it taken the lead in the struggle for a culture of peace?

Where in the world can we find good leadership today?

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Distinguished colleagues:

The Proclamation of Latin America and the Caribbean as a Zone of Peace was clear in its defense of the inalienable right of every State to choose its political, economic, social and cultural system, as an essential condition for ensuring the peaceful coexistence of nations.
This historic document urges all member states of the international community to fully respect its principles in their relations with CELAC member states, practice tolerance and live together peacefully as good neighbors. Preserving these precepts is an imperative.

Just over a decade later, the regional and international context has become extremely dangerous and unpredictable. The United States Government is reviving its imperial claims to domination, driving the planet towards anarchy and war‑mongering chaos, posing a constant threat to international stability and security, and displaying utter disregard for multilateralism and international law. In the face of these colossal challenges, we have a historic duty to safeguard, at all costs, the status of Latin America and the Caribbean as a Zone of Peace.

In just one month, in our region alone, the United States carried out a brutal and unjustified military intervention in Venezuela, kidnapped its constitutional President, Nicolás Maduro Moros, and comrade Cilia Flores and reinforced the aggressive escalation against Cuba by trying to impose an absolute siege on fuel supplies to the country. These irresponsible actions require urgent mobilization by the international community. Today, the fate of our peoples, regional stability and the very identity of Latin America and the Caribbean as a Zone of Peace are at stake.

Reason, International Law and the unwavering will to fulfill and uphold the postulates of the Peace Proclamation are on our side.

In the face of intentions to reinstate the Monroe Doctrine by military force, we reaffirm that Latin America and the Caribbean is neither disputed territory nor anyone’s backyard. Latin America and the Caribbean belong to the peoples from the Rio Bravo to Patagonia, as our Apostle said.

José Martí warned us 135 years ago, and I quote: “The trees must form ranks to keep the giant with seven-league boots from passing! It is the time of mobilization, of marching together, and we must go forward in close ranks, like silver in the veins of the Andes.”

This historic moment needs more unity, even in our diversity. In the face of the differences, challenges and threats that now loom over Latin America and the Caribbean, let us uphold peace. The peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean deserve to live in peace.

Thank you very much.
 
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DISARMAMENT & SECURITY, FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION, Latin America

People Across Global South Condemn ‘Imperialist’ US-Israeli War on Iran

DISARMAMENT & SECURITY .

An article by Brett Wilkins from Common Dreams (reprinted according to Creative Commons CC BY-NC-ND 3.0)

People, groups, and governments across the
Global South this week condemned the US-Israeli war on Iran, which one prominent international progressive organization slammed as "devoid of any legal justification."

People rally and march in Thiruvananthapuram—the capital of Kerala state in India—on March 2, 2026 to condemn the US-Israeli war on Iran. (Photo by Communist Party of India-Marxist/X)

The attack on Iran sparked large protests in countries including Bangladesh, Brazil, India, Indonesia, Iraq, Malaysia, Nigeria, Pakistan, South Africa, and Turkey, with demonstrators taking to squares and streets to condemn what many called a war of imperialist aggression waged by US President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu—who is wanted by the International Criminal Court for alleged crimes against humanity and war crimes in Gaza.

(Editor’s note: The Guardian lists protests from Pakistan, South Africa, Brazil, Malaysia, Indonesia, China, Chile, Cuba, and many other developing nations.)

In South Africa—which is leading a genocide case against Israel at the >International Court of Justice (ICJ)—labor, leftist, student, and Muslim groups are among those denouncing the war.

The South African Federation of Trade Unions (SAFTU) issued a statement Tuesday proclaiming, "No to war, no to regime change, no to oppression."

"History has taught the global working class a bitter lesson: So-called 'interventions' in the name of democracy have left behind destruction, instability, and suffering for ordinary people, never liberation," SAFTU asserted. "From Iraq to Libya, from Syria to countless other theaters of intervention, it is workers and the poor who pay the highest price."

"The future of Iran belongs to its people, not to Washington, not to Tel Aviv, and not to foreign intelligence agencies," the federation stressed.

In Pakistan, at least 23 people were killed during demonstrations across the country on Sunday, including 10 protesters outside the US consulate in Karachi. US Marines reportedly opened fire on a crowd of people who attempted to storm the facility. Eleven others were killed in the northern city of Skardu, where people set a United Nations office ablaze. Two people were also slain in capital Islamabad.

The Progressive International (PI) cabinet published a statement condemning the war "in the strongest possible terms."

"The assault once again exposes the true character of US diplomacy," the group said. "Indirect talks between Tehran and Washington—mediated by Oman—were little more than a screen behind which the Trump administration coordinated an agenda of [a] 'major combat operation' under the banner of ‘Operation Epic Fury.’"

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Question related to this article:
 
How can war crimes be documented, stopped, punished and prevented?

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"Trump has been clear: This is a regime change offensive—devoid of any legal justification let alone authorization," the PI cabinet continued. "Trump has framed these strikes as 'preemptive,' necessary to eliminate 'imminent threats' and to defend national security. Yet Iran has made no immediate threats to the US. On the contrary, it is a long-standing ambition of the US and Israel to wage war on Iran—the lethal consequences of which will be borne by its people."

"Imperialist war does not liberate peoples—it subjugates them," the group added. "The evidence is found in the ruins of Gaza, Baghdad, and Tripoli, where bombs leveled cities and 'democracy promotion' left ashes in its wake."

Siphamandla Zondi, a professor of politics at the University of Johannesburg in South Africa, told the Guardian that “this is a war of domination and subordination, therefore it has imperialist undertones and motives" and "makes the world unsafe for all of us.”

The International Migrants Alliance (IMA) issued a statement Monday calling the attack "against international law."

"The bombing in Iran has killed hundreds of people, most of them are children and civilians," the group said. "The aggression is part of the Israel-US renewed war to dominate the West Asia region and plunder their resources… For decades, the United States has armed, funded, and protected Israel’s military actions while destabilizing West Asia through sanctions, interventions, and war. The result is endless violence, displacement, and suffering for ordinary people."

"The ongoing attacks will create new waves of refugees," IMA added. "Families are forced to flee across borders that are increasingly militarized. Imperialist wars create a brutal cycle of forced migration: People are driven from their homes, safety, and future, only to face criminalization, detention, or exploitation as migrants and refugees abroad."

Indian-born academic Amitav Acharya, author of The Once and Future World Order: Why Global Civilization Will Survive the Decline of the West, said in an interview with the Guardian that “many countries in the Global South are going to look for a coalition of powers that will stand up to the United States, as the United States is seen as so aggressive, so imperial."

That sentiment was echoed across the developing world. In Brazil, the Socialism and Liberty Party (PSOL) said: "Trump is a threat to the world. This is a criminal violation of Iranian sovereignty and international law."

"To justify the war, the United States lies by stating that Iran threatens the American people and the world," the party continued. "We already know this story: The 'weapons of mass destruction' of Iraq… have never been found. Trump invades Iran to defend American neocolonial interests and to give a message to the world that the American government does not accept the existence of independent countries in the world system."

"Once again, US imperialism and Israeli Zionism elect the path of war and barbarism, bombing civilian facilities and killing innocents," PSOL added. "We demand an immediate end to the bombing and express our total solidarity with the Iranian people.

(Editor’s Note: We are impressed by the analysis of Professor John Mearsheimer that “it is almost impossible for me to see how Israel and the US win this war . . . Remember that in the Vietnam War, the US won virtually every battle and lost the war.”)

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DISARMAMENT & SECURITY, global

‘We Are Sailing to Cuba’: Humanitarian Coalition Announces Flotilla to Break US Blockade

DISARMAMENT & SECURITY .

An article by Brett Wilkins from Common Dreams (republished according to Creative Commons CC BY-NC-ND 3.0)

As the Trump administration tightens an already devastating economic embargo of Cuba by targeting the island's fuel imports in a bid to topple the country's socialist government, a coalition of progressive groups on Thursday announced plans for a flotilla to deliver food, medicine, and other essential supplies to the besieged Cuban people.


Members of CodePink protest the United States embargo of Cuba and Cuba’s inclusion on the US state sponsors of terrorism list in Los Angeles on October 29, 2022. (Photo by CodePink/X)

Members of Progressive International, CodePink, and other direct action and advocacy groups plan to set sail for Cuba next month in the Nuestra América—or Our America—Flotilla, which they said is inspired by the Global Sumud Flotilla missions to break Israel's illegal blockade of Gaza amid the ongoing genocide in the Palestinian exclave.

"We are sailing to Cuba, bringing critical humanitarian aid for its people," the flotilla organizers said on their website. "The Trump administration is strangling the island, cutting off fuel, flights, and critical supplies for survival. The consequences are lethal, for newborns and parents, for the elderly and the sick."

"That is why we are launching the Nuestra América Flotilla, setting sail from across the Caribbean Sea in solidarity with the Cuban people," the organizers continued. "And we are asking for your support, to help us prepare the mission and purchase the food and medicine that we will bring to the Cuban people."

"Together, we can break the siege, save lives, and stand up for the cause of Cuban self-determination," they added.

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Question related to this article:
 
How can the blockade of Cuba be stopped?

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The announcement of the flotilla came as the Trump administration ratchets up pressure on Cuba's socialist government by further suffocating the island's economy via an oil embargo similar to the one imposed on Venezuela before last month's US invasion and abduction of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro.

At the time, President Donald Trump threatened the leaders of Colombia, Cuba, and Mexico that they could be next.

Trump reversed former President Joe Biden's eleventh-hour move in January 2025 to remove Cuba from the US state sponsors of terrorism list, a designation utterly divorced from reality. Trump officials have cited Cuba's baseless inclusion on the list as justification for measures taken against the country's government and people.

The US embargo on Cuba dates to the early 1960s when the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations responded to the successful revolution that overthrew a brutal US-backed dictatorship with a blockade accompanied by a decadeslong campaign of state-sponsored terrorism against the Cuban people that left thousands dead and more than $1 trillion in economic damages, according to the Cuban government.

Every year since 1992—with the exception of the Covid-19 pandemic year of 2020—the United Nations General Assembly has voted overwhelmingly to condemn and call for an end to the US blockade of Cuba.

Progressive International co-general coordinator David Adler told El País' Veronica Garrido Thursday, "The US government is drowning the Cuban people, who are running out of light, have no food, no medicine, no energy."

"I do not exaggerate when I say that we are seeing in Cuba the same playbook that Israel applied to the people of Gaza: an encirclement, an act of collective punishment that violates every aspect of international law,” he continued.

"We hope that [the flotilla] will be a mechanism of popular pressure to the governments of the world that have the responsibility, before international law, to protect the fundamental rights of the Cuban people and export the energy required by the island,” Adler said.

“There is nothing illegal about what we are doing," he added. "We are coming to a sovereign country and delivering humanitarian aid. We are ready to take risks in the name of humanity and the fundamental right of the Cuban people.
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DISARMAMENT & SECURITY, Latin America, North America,

Mexico: Al Sharpton and Rigoberta Menchú to Join Mérida Peace Conference

DISARMAMENT & SECURITY .

An article by Carlos Rosado van der Gracht from Yucatan Magazine

The International Peace Conference in Mérida will feature prominent voices such as Nobel Peace Prize laureate Rigoberta Menchú Tum and civil rights leader Alfred Charles Sharpton Jr., better known as Al Sharpton, the firebrand TV pundit and activist.

This regional gathering, organized by UADY, The World House Project Inc., and the Yucatán state government, will take place at the Siglo XXI convention center.

Over three days starting Feb. 4, civic, business, academic, government, and student leaders, as well as activists, will discuss actions to address today’s challenges in peace and justice through dialogue, education, and strategic action.


The conference aims to build a global network for civic awareness and create social infrastructure focused on promoting peace and justice. It will also invite analysis of significant challenges and opportunities for international peace.

Rigoberta Menchú will share her vision for building peace through human rights and social justice. Johnny J. Mack, founder of The World House Project, will present a talk on the World House vision and the metalogic of nonviolence.

Additionally, Rosa Wolpert Kuri, a UNESCO representative, will give the presentation “Without Education, There Is No Peace.” Other experts, including Francisco Javier Gorjón Gómez, Roberto José Beltrán Zambrano, Alberto Manuel Athié Gallo, and Fernando de la Mora Salcedo, will address key topics such as a culture of peace, nonviolent action in the 21st century, and current global scenarios.

The sessions aim to identify three main focus areas: Direct Action, which uses peaceful tactics to mobilize people, challenge injustice, and create pressure for change; Cultural Transformation, which shifts mindsets and social norms through art, storytelling, education, and spiritual leadership; and Structural Change, which reforms policies, systems, and institutions to build equity, justice, and peace.

The conference will also feature a Youth for Peace Agenda. This includes keynote speeches, panel discussions, workshops, intergenerational dialogues, and cultural activities with performances by the UADY Ballet, the University Regional Orchestra, and other musical groups.

Members of the general public may attend the conference by completing the online registration and paying the participation fee of MX$2,800 via bank deposit or transfer, or MX$2,910 via PayPal. Deadline is Feb. 2. Visit https://conferenciadepaz.uady.mx/.

About Rigoberta Menchú

Rigoberta Menchú grew up in a small Mayan village in Guatemala. As a young woman, she experienced injustice and violence during her country’s long civil war, in which family members were killed. Her courageous work for social justice and peace was recognized globally when she received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1992. She used this honor to bring even more attention to the struggles of Indigenous communities everywhere. Today, she continues to travel and teach, emphasizing that lasting peace must be built on a foundation of human rights, dignity, and fairness for all people.

Menchú remains one of the Maya world’s loudest voices on social justice, enduring peace and cultural preservation.

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Question related to this article:
 
The Nobel Peace Prize: Does it go to the right people?

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The Program

World House Project 2026 International Peace Conference

The World House Project 2026 International Peace Conference takes place over three days at the Centro de Convenciones Siglo XXI, bringing together global thought leaders, activists, and students to explore pathways toward peace and justice. The conference halls were renamed for the occasion.

Wednesday, February 4

The conference opens with a special youth-focused morning session, the JuventudES Paz Agenda, exclusively for high school students from 7:30 a.m. to 2:30 p.m. in the Mahatma Gandhi Hall (Chichén Itzá 6).

General registration begins at 3 p.m. at the Rigoberta Menchú Tum Passage, followed by the Opening Ceremony at 4 p.m. in the Martin Luther King Jr. Hall (Chichén Itzá 4 and 5).

The inaugural keynote at 5 p.m. features Master Joaquín Díaz Mena, Governor of the State of Yucatán, presenting the “Allies for Life Program.” This is followed at 6 p.m. by Reverend Al Sharpton, who delivers the day’s second keynote address.

Concurrent with the opening sessions, the Mandalas Peace Hub hosts a Human Rights Journey from 4 p.m. to 6 p.m. in the Malala Yousafzai Hall (Uxmal 4) and Nelson Mandela Hall (Chichén Itzá 2 and 3).

The first day concludes with a cultural performance at 7 p.m. featuring the UADY Ballet and University Folk Orchestra in Nelson Mandela Hall.

Thursday, February 5

The day begins at 9 a.m. with a keynote address by Dr. Rigoberta Menchú Tum in Martin Luther King Jr. Hall, followed by three consecutive morning sessions: Dr. Francisco Javier Gorjón Gómez speaks on “Peace from Peace: Foundation for Building Peace” at 10 a.m., and Dr. Roberto José Beltrán Zambrano presents “The Right Time for Peace: Culture of Peace and Nonviolent Action in the 21st Century” at 11 a.m.

After a midday break from noon to 1 p.m., Dr. Johnny J. Mack delivers his keynote “Vision of the World House and the Metalogic of Nonviolence” at 1 p.m.

The afternoon shifts to interactive formats with panel discussions, presentations, and workshops running from 2 p.m. to 7 p.m. in Mahatma Gandhi Hall. Simultaneously, an Intergenerational Dialogue for the Next Generation takes place from 3 p.m. to 6 p.m., also in Mahatma Gandhi Hall, while the Mandalas Peace Hub continues its Human Rights Journey programming in both Malala Yousafzai and Nelson Mandela Halls.

The evening features a cultural performance by the musical group Polifonía and collaborating artists at 7 p.m. in Nelson Mandela Hall.

Friday, February 6

The final day opens at 9:30 a.m. with Master Rosa Wolpert Kuri from UNESCO presenting “Without Education There Is No Peace” in Martin Luther King Jr. Hall.

At 10:30 a.m., Master Alberto Manuel Athié Gallo addresses “Where Are We Going? Between Uncertainty, Surprise, Emerging Doubts, and the New World Order,” followed at 11:30 a.m. by Master Fernando de la Mora Salcedo speaking on “Mexico, the World, and the Culture of Peace.”

The conference concludes with a panel discussion at 12:30 p.m. titled “Where Are We Going in Building Peace and Justice in Latin America? Next Collective Steps,” featuring Master Rosa Wolpert Kuri, Master Héctor Dada Sánchez, and Dr. José Luis Espinoza Navarrete, moderated by Dr. Celia Rosado Avilés.

The closing ceremony takes place at 1 p.m., bringing the three-day international gathering to its conclusion.

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DISARMAMENT & SECURITY, Latin America

Protests in France agains US attack on Venezuela

Question related to this article:
 
Can Trump force regime change in Venezuela, Cuba and Colombia?

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DISARMAMENT & SECURITY, Europe, Latin America,

Massive Protest in Cuba Condemns US Military Operation in Venezuela

DISARMAMENT & SECURITY .

Photos from a Youtube video by Dawn News

Here are some frames from the Youtube video by Dawn News of the rally in Havana to protest the attack and kidnapping of President Maduro by the Trump government of the United States. The frames presented here are in the order in which they occur in the video.


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Question related to this article:
 
Can Trump force regime change in Venezuela, Cuba and Colombia?

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DISARMAMENT & SECURITY, Latin America

Maduro Supporters Gather in Caracas

DISARMAMENT & SECURITY .

Photos from a Youtube video by Reuters

Here are some frames from the nine-hour Youtube video by Reuters of the rally in Caracas to protest the attack and kidnapping of President Maduro by the Trump government of the United States. The frames presented here are in the order in which they occur in the video.


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Question related to this article:
 
Can Trump force regime change in Venezuela, Cuba and Colombia?

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DISARMAMENT & SECURITY, Latin America

Thousands Protest in Colombia

DISARMAMENT & SECURITY .

An article from CCTV facebook

Thousands of protesters took to the streets of Bogota, the capital of Colombia, on Wednesday to decry threats from the United States to expand its military campaign into their territory in the name of combating drug trafficking, after last weekend’s deadly raid on Venezuela.

Wednesday’s rally took place at Bolivar Square in the heart of downtown Bogota at the call of Colombian President Gustavo Petro after U.S. President Donald Trump said a U.S. military operation against Colombia “sounds good”. Such demonstrations were also held in other cities across Colombia.

U.S. military forces carried out a series of attacks and bombings in Caracas and other parts of Venezuela in the early hours of Saturday, and forcibly seized Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro and his wife Cilia Flores, before putting them in custody in New York.

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Question related to this article:
 
Can Trump force regime change in Venezuela, Cuba and Colombia?

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“We are now witnessing the resurgence of American imperialism throughout Latin America and many parts of the world. The United States is not only reshaping its imperialism, but also disregarding the fundamental principles of international law,” said Cristian Zuluaga, a protester.

“They always consider us Latin American countries inhuman or more precisely, they see us as their backyard. They believe our wealth belongs to them. They believe we will always be subservient, yielding, never rebellious. But we have courageous people here,” said Claudia Bejarano, another protester.

U.S. attack on Venezuela, which Trump has admitted is to secure “total access” to Venezuela’s massive oil reserves and subsequent threats to Colombia, has sent shock waves through Latin America. Demonstrators this week hit the streets of Europe and the Middle East to condemn the U.S. aggression.

“We are not slaves to anyone, nor are we above anyone. We share the same land, the same territory. All we can do is to unite, engage in dialogue, and reach a necessary peace agreement,” said Maria Mayorga, a demonstrator.

“The whole world has responded. Protests have also taken place in Europe. Protests have also occurred in countries that were once invaded by the United States, such as Syria, Libya, Afghanistan, and Baghdad,” said Jhon Fredy Sanchez, another demonstrator.
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DISARMAMENT & SECURITY, Latin America

International stability, human security and the nuclear challenge: Yearbook of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute

DISARMAMENT & SECURITY .

Introduction to the Yearbook of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (abridged)

In 2025 the world marks the 80th anniversary of the only times that nuclear weapons have been used in war—the bombings of Hiroshima on 6 August 1945 and Nagasaki three days later. In those eight decades, a great deal of death and destruction has been meted out in war but the taboo against using nuclear weapons has survived and grown stronger. This is, as the Nobel Peace Prize Committee noted when awarding the 2024 Peace Prize to the movement of Japanese nuclear survivors (hibakusha), Nihon Hidankyo, ‘an encouraging fact’. Nonetheless, new risks mean it is worth reviewing today’s nuclear challenge.

Nuclear weapons pose existential risk for the world population, as does ecological disruption, the impact of which on peace and stability is starting to be felt in a context in which insecurity is already on the rise for other reasons. The 2020s have so far seen more numerous armed conflicts compared to the previous three decades, with higher war fatalities and increased displacement of people. Great power confrontation has returned to levels of intensity not experienced since the end of the cold war in 1989–91, including the articulation of nuclear threats.

It can therefore be no surprise that, in 2024, global security showed no overall improvement and some deterioration compared to the previous year. Several armed conflicts—not least in Ethiopia, Gaza, Myanmar and Sudan— continued to escalate. Though the overthrow of the Assad regime in Syria in December 2024 offered the prospect of an end to the country’s civil wars, a sustainably peaceful outcome was far from certain. Overall, the international capacity for peaceful conflict management continued to seem not quite up to its extraordinarily challenging tasks. Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine continued, confrontation over Taiwan deepened, tensions on the Korean peninsula sharpened, and global politics were marked by increasing divisiveness and polarization sown by, among other causes of disputation, Israel’s devastating offensive in Gaza. . .

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Question related to this article:
 
Can we abolish all nuclear weapons?

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New uncertainties originated in the November 2024 election of Donald J. Trump as President of the United States. These played out in the first quarter of 2025 once he had taken office and quickly came to occupy the foreground in discussion of world affairs . . .

The president made explicit territorial claims for Greenland, for Canada (though the degree of seriousness of this was hard to gauge), for control of the Panama Canal, and for Gaza, as a US-owned holiday resort after expelling all Palestinians. He evinced apparent acceptance of Russia retaining territory it controlled due to its illegal invasion of Ukraine, while demanding access to Ukraine’s mineral resources, and refused to back two United Nations resolutions condemning Russia’s invasion. . . .

The second Trump administration rolled back US policy on climate change, encouraging the fossil fuel companies to turn away from any plan for an energy transition. Financial oversight came under attack with the firing of more than 12 inspectors-general responsible for fiscal propriety in federal government agencies and departments. This was part of a broader attack on the federal bureaucracy .

In the first quarter of 2025, therefore, both allies and adversaries of the USA and all those in between found themselves navigating uncharted geopolitical and economic waters. The policies and stances of the Trump administration in its first weeks may not all endure for its full four years. But some will likely persist and embed themselves deep enough in American policy that the next administration, even if it is not cut from Trumpian cloth, will find it hard to do away with them entirely. This is the complex background to discussing the nuclear challenge in the coming years. This chapter first looks at the current state of arms control (section II), then at the prospects of a new nuclear arms race (section III), before returning to the context of a world order in crisis (section IV), in order to discuss how the nuclear challenge might be addressed (section V).

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DISARMAMENT & SECURITY, global

The Challenge of Making a Culture of Peace an Official Heritage in Africa

DISARMAMENT & SECURITY .

Excerpts from an announcement by Juste Joris Tindy-Poaty

ABSTRACT
This is a call for contributions to a collective work on the theme of making a culture of peace an officla heritage in Africa. Using a multidisciplinary approach, this work aims to explore and highlight the various processes by which traditional and contemporary African societies have made and continue to make peace, and therefore the culture of peace, a heritage to be preserved and transmitted.

ANNOUNCEMENT

Report

Using a multidisciplinary approach, this collaborative book project aims to explore and highlight the various processes by which traditional and contemporary African societies have made and continue to make peace, and therefore the culture of peace, a heritage to be preserved and transmitted.

The expected contributions, including theoretical reflections, field research, case studies, and examples of best practices, will be organized into two parts: (i) Sources, foundations, and endogenous resources of the culture of peace; (ii) Impacts of external influences, hybridizations and resilience of endogenous practices, challenges, and issues of the culture of peace in contemporary African societies.

I – Sources, Foundations, and Endogenous Resources of a Culture of Peace

This first part will bring together contributions that examine and highlight not only the sources and endogenous foundations of a culture of peace, but also the resources through which African societies have, throughout the centuries, been able to embody and transmit, from generation to generation, the almost innate human disposition toward mutual aid and sociability; and also the meaning of a non-violent relationship and peaceful, symbiotic coexistence between humankind and nature.

The main themes of this first part of the book are as follows:

Theme 1: Culture of Peace: Endogenous Sources and Foundations

Inspired by UNESCO, the concept of a culture of peace is defined by the United Nations as consisting of “values, attitudes and behaviors which reflect and promote conviviality and sharing based on the principles of freedom, justice and democracy, all human rights, tolerance and solidarity, which reject violence and incline towards preventing conflicts by addressing their root causes and resolving problems through dialogue and negotiation, and which guarantee to all the full enjoyment of all rights and the means to participate fully in the development process of their society” (cf. UN General Assembly Resolution 52/13 of 15 January 1998).

How can this concept, as defined, be rooted in traditional African societies? What can be understood by “culture of peace” in the specific context of traditional African societies?

Theme 2: Culture of Peace, Oral Literary Heritage, and Social Practices/Customs/Prohibitions

African oral literary heritage is diverse and rich in tales, epics, songs, rituals, and short genres or proverbs (proverbs, maxims, sayings, etc.). All these constituent elements of African literary heritage, which fall under the art of storytelling, the “oral verbal art” (Ursula Baumgardt), are vehicles of our cultures and, at the same time, of our understanding of living together and peace. What are the elements of oral literatures and what are the practices, customs, and social prohibitions that, on a daily basis, contributed and continue to contribute, in these traditional and contemporary societies, to the prevention of antisocial behavior, the transmission of a prosocial culture, and the promotion of better living together in peace?

Theme 3: Culture of Peace and Endogenous Mechanisms for Conflict Transformation

What mechanisms were conceived and implemented in our traditional societies for conflict resolution and violence prevention, and for conflict transformation? And when violence was unavoidable, how did our traditional societies work towards restoring peace? What symbolic objects, songs, dances, or rituals were used for conflict prevention, reconciliation, and peacebuilding?

Theme 4: Culture of Peace and Traditional Ecology or Ethnoecology

Given that a culture of peace includes harmonious relationships between humans and their natural environment, what knowledge and practices, falling under the umbrella of “traditional ecology” or “ethnoecology” (P. Mouguiama-Daouda and A. Moussirou Mouyama, 2020), did our traditional societies use to preserve biodiversity and protect nature? Can this knowledge and these practices still contribute to environmental preservation and the fight against climate change today?

Theme 5: Institutions and Actors Custodians of the Endogenous Resources of a Culture of Peace

Given that peace is both an intangible and tangible heritage, what institutions and actors in our traditional societies were responsible for safeguarding, preserving, and transmitting a culture of peace? What was the place and role of women, guardians of traditions, in safeguarding, preserving and transmitting the culture of peace in traditional Africa?

II – Impacts of External Influences, Hybridization and Resilience of Endogenous Practices, Challenges and Issues of a Culture of Peace in Contemporary African Societies

Considering the impact of colonization, among other things, there are no longer any strictly traditional African societies. While contemporary African societies are heirs to traditional societies, they have been and continue to be built upon numerous exogenous contributions, such as imported religions (like Islam and Christianity). Consequently, it is clear that “current African identities are now being forged at the interface of cosmopolitanism and indigeneity.”

The themes that will constitute this second part of the book are as follows:

Theme 1: Endogenous Mechanisms and Practices of Peace Culture and Exogenous Influences

How effective and legitimate are endogenous mechanisms and practices of peace culture (such as traditional dialogue, mediation by elders, reconciliation rituals, chieftaincy systems, etc.) in pre-colonial and post-colonial contexts? What is the impact of exogenous models on these endogenous mechanisms and practices? Does this impact lead to the integration of these endogenous mechanisms and practices into formal judicial systems? How do endogenous mechanisms and practices of peace culture coexist with exogenous models? Are endogenous mechanisms and practices and exogenous models complementary, or must a choice be made between them? Are we witnessing resilient mechanisms and practices, or the creation of hybrid mechanisms and practices for conflict transformation?

Theme 2: Culture of Peace and the Challenges of Transitional Justice and Reconciliation

… Under what conditions can transitional justice be an effective and legitimate mechanism for restoring social cohesion and building lasting peace? In practical terms, how has this mechanism reconciled, and how can it reconcile, the opposition between formal and restorative justice and address the challenge of impunity? What is the role of collective memory and Truth and Reconciliation Commissions in collective healing and the prevention of future conflicts and violence?

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Questions related to this article:

Can a culture of peace be achieved in Africa through local indigenous training and participation?

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Theme 3: Culture of Peace and the Democratic Challenge

… Conceived in its essence as a means of peaceful conflict resolution, is democracy in Africa doomed to foster a culture of violence and political instability? What solutions exist in Africa for effective and legitimate electoral mechanisms and systems? How can we initiate democratization processes in Africa that truly aim to consolidate political stability and establish a lasting culture of peace? What alternative systems to pluralist democracy exist to end the culture of violence and political instability in Africa?

Theme 4: Culture of Peace, Public Policies, and Development

… To speak of good governance as “the competence […] to effectively develop policies and ensure their implementation and the delivery of services” is undoubtedly to raise the issue of public policymaking for development. What place do the various political and institutional ecosystems give to the issue of developing and evaluating public policies? Is the creation of effective public policies a priority of national development agendas and a shared culture? Do science and its practitioners benefit, in all African states, from public recognition of their legitimacy to contribute to political decision-making? What is the role of endogenous public scientific research in public policymaking? Does each African state have a “science ecosystem for informing public policy” for sustainable development and peace? Are sustainable development and peace in African states objectives based on the prior construction of a long-term vision and the implementation of coherent and harmonized public policies?

Theme 5: Culture of Peace, Status and Role of Youth and Women

With young people representing 60% of the population in 2020, Africa was already the youngest continent in the world and will remain so until at least 2070 (AFD, 2020, p. 16). This youth demographic certainly poses challenges in terms of meeting social needs, but it is also potentially a lever for transformation and development. Women in Africa are also a potential lever for transformation and development. What is the status of young people and women, and what role do they already play in Africa in promoting and building a culture of peace (in its broadest sense: conflict and violence prevention and management, combating climate change, creating businesses and jobs, etc.)? How is Africa appropriating and implementing UN resolutions 1325 on the rights of women, peace and security, and 2250 on youth, peace and security? With regard to the rights of women and girls in particular, can we truly speak of peace and development without concrete achievements, or even significant progress, in gender equality? Where do African states stand with the implementation of SDG 5 (Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls)?

Theme 6: Culture of Peace, Mental Health, and Individual Well-being

Before discussing peaceful relationships with other people or the natural environment, a culture of peace is first and foremost about inner peace. Being at peace with oneself means, in particular, being in good mental health, that is, being in “a state of well-being in which [one] can realize one’s own potential, cope with the normal stresses of life, work productively and fruitfully, and make a contribution to one’s community” (WHO, 2022, p. 2). With, according to the WHO, “about one in eight people worldwide [living] with a mental disorder” (2022), mental health is a global concern. Anxiety and depression, the most common mental health disorders, are the second leading cause of long-term disability. What is the state of mental health and well-being in Africa, within families (for children and parents), in schools and universities (for students), and in the workplace for all working individuals? What are the major challenges, consequences, and impacts of mental health in Africa for individuals and societies? What are the potential solutions for optimal mental well-being for individuals in the context of peaceful communities?

Theme 7: Culture of Peace, Education, Culture, Sport, and Media

If “peace is learned” (T. D’Ansembourg and D. Van Reybrouck, 2016), what role do the educational systems of contemporary African societies play in education for a culture of peace, considering both endogenous traditions and external influences? How is, or can, a culture of peace be taught or transmitted to younger generations, in formal and/or informal settings? Are there educational programs or community initiatives in this area? How can culture, sport and the media be involved in this requirement for education in a culture of peace in Africa?

Submission Guidelines

Proposals for contributions in French should be sent to the following addresses: jjtindypoaty@yahoo.fr; jrdoutsona@yahoo.fr; bbdndombi@gmail.com; celestineboupo2@yahoo.fr; nzamickaledamien@gmail.com before March 31, 2026.
Submitted as an abstract (in French and English) not exceeding 300 words with a maximum of 5 keywords, proposals will be reviewed by the Coordination and Editorial Committee, and responses will be sent to contributors according to the schedule below.
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Publication date: December 2026

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(Editor’s Note: For members of the Coordination Committee and the Scientific and Reading Committee, and for the bibliography, please consult the original here.)

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