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IPU Statement on the International Day of Peaceful Coexistence

. DEMOCRATIC PARTICIPATION .

An article from the International Parliamentary Union

The Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) joins the international community in marking the first International Day of Peaceful Coexistence on 28 January 2026.

This new international day was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in March 2025 through resolution A/RES/79/269, proposed by the Kingdom of Bahrain with support from the King Hamad Global Center for Coexistence and Tolerance.

At a time of toxic polarization, growing distrust and division, parliaments have a unique responsibility to promote peaceful coexistence and inclusive societies, and to fight intolerance through their legislative, oversight and representative roles.

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(Click here for the original version in French)

Questions related to this article:

Where in the world can we find good leadership today?

How can parliamentarians promote a culture of peace?

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By celebrating diversity, promoting peace education, and holding governments to account for human rights commitments, parliaments can and must create an environment in which every person is treated with dignity and respect.

The IPU’s agenda is firmly anchored in building more cohesive and just societies through parliamentary diplomacy, interfaith dialogue, and supporting parliaments to be inclusive and respectful spaces, representative of society in all its diversity.

At the 146th IPU Assembly in Bahrain in March 2023, hundreds of parliamentarians representing some 140 countries endorsed the Manama Declaration, Promoting peaceful coexistence and inclusive societies: Fighting intolerance, delivering a message of hope.

Across all its work, the IPU encourages parliamentarians to counter hate speech and divisive rhetoric, to protect freedom of expression while combating incitement to hatred, and to use their platforms to counter prejudice and misinformation.

The IPU calls on all parliaments and parliamentarians to redouble their efforts to foster dialogue, bridge divides, embrace diversity and champion a culture of peace in their constituencies, countries and beyond. 

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International Women’s Day 2026: Rights. Justice. Action. For ALL Women and Girls.

. . WOMEN’S EQUALITY . .

An article from UN Women

On 8 March 2026, rally with women and girls around the world to demand equal rights – and equal justice to enforce, exercise, and enjoy those rights.

As we begin the second quarter of the 21st century, no nation has closed the legal gaps between men and women. Right now, in 2026, women have only 64 per cent of the legal rights that men hold worldwide. In fundamental areas of life, including work, money, safety, family, property, mobility, business, and retirement – the law systematically disadvantages women. From harmful social norms to discriminatory laws, women and girls continue to face entrenched obstacles – even pushback – to equal justice. If progress continues at its current pace, it will take 286 years to close legal protection gaps. That is not a timeline, it’s surrender.


Activists, social leaders, organizations, women and men chant slogans against gender violence during the “Vivas nos Queremos” march in Quito, Ecuador. Photo: UN Women/Johis Alarcón

Without justice systems that work for women, rights become a promise that never arrives.

International Women’s Day 2026 (IWD 2026), under the theme, “Rights. Justice. Action. For ALL Women and Girls”, marks a moment to amplify our collective determination. No matter how deeply rooted the sexism or how discouraging the politics, we refuse to step back or abandon our mandate. Instead, we climb together – for the rights and empowerment of all women and girls.

(Click here for the article in French or here in Spanish.)

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Question related to this article:

Protecting women and girls against violence, Is progress being made?

Does the UN advance equality for women?

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This year, IWD 2026 calls for action to dismantle the structural barriers to equal justice: discriminatory laws, weak legal protections, and harmful practices and social norms that erode the rights of women and girls.

What does equal justice look like? Simply put, your rights are protected and defended, and laws don’t just stay on the books – they get enforced, so that people can experience equal rights and justice. It means legally protected access to education for girls and an end to child marriage. Women’s freedom to choose to work, participate, and lead in society, including in political and justice systems. Strengthened protection and prevention to end gender-based violence in all its forms. Family, labour, and healthcare laws that do not discriminate against women. Justice systems that are free of bias, centred on survivors, and backed by zero tolerance for abuse and impunity. Legal aid that is affordable and accessible. Just to name a few.

This year’s United Nations observance of International Women’s Day will take place on 9 March and focus on equal justice, purposefully aligning with the 70th session of the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW70) (from 9 to 19 March). At CSW70, an intergovernmental forum, representatives of Member States, United Nations entities, and civil society will gather to negotiate conclusions on the theme, “Ensuring and strengthening access to justice for all women and girls, including by promoting inclusive and equitable legal systems, eliminating discriminatory laws, policies, and practices, and addressing structural barriers.”

This International Women’s Day, join UN Women, the United Nations family, civil society, youth, media, businesses, and more, to demand “Rights. Justice. Action. For ALL women and girls.” Share International Women’s Day stories and messages online with the hashtag #ForAllWomenAndGirls and follow UN Women for more information on forthcoming events.

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Appeal by Nobel Peace Prize winner Adolfo Pérez Esquivel. For Peace and Unity. “Listen to the Voice of the People”

FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION .

An appeal from SERPAJ, Servicio Paz y Justicia

We, the signatories of this Appeal, are protagonists of our own lives and walk alongside our peoples in their fights and hopes for a more just and fraternal world.

We express our deep concern and our strongest rejection of the attempts by the government of Donald Trump, President of the United States, to invade Venezuela. Such actions would violate international treaties, agreements, protocols, and UN declarations, flagrantly disregarding the sovereignty and self-determination of the peoples.

We likewise bear in mind the bombings of Iran by the United States and Israel, which also threaten its sovereignty.

DECISIONS ENDANGERING WORLD PEACE

Latin America is a Zone of Peace. An attack on Venezuela is an attack on the entire continent.

WE EXIGE THE IMMEDIATE WITHDRAWAL of the United States armed forces from the Caribbean, whose actions have provoked attacks and deaths of innocent fishermen, sinking their boats under the false pretext that the Venezuelan government is responsible for drug trafficking in the United States.

WE EXIGE President Trump to cease his threats against the governments of Mexico, Colombia, Cuba, Brazil, Venezuela, and Nicaragua, countries that defend their sovereignty and their freedom and do not submit to the colonialism of the United States.

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(Click here for the version in Spanish or here for the version in French or click here here for the version in Spanish .)

Question related to this article:

Where in the world can we find good leadership today?

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The world is experiencing a profound uncertainty due to wars, conflicts, and hunger in various regions, factors that endanger World Peace. We are facing an unpredictable escalation: we know how wars begin, but no one knows how they end.

Israel’s genocide against the Palestinian people has caused an extermination that hurts all of humanity. Despite the ceasefire, Israel continues to provoke deaths and hunger in the Gaza Strip, with the support and complicity of the United States and several European countries.

We likewise bear in mind the bombings of Iran by the United States and Israel, which also threaten its sovereignty.

DECISIONS ENDANGERING WORLD PEACE

Latin America is a Zone of Peace. An attack on Venezuela is an attack on the entire continent.

WE EXIGE THE IMMEDIATE WITHDRAWAL of the United States armed forces from the Caribbean, whose actions have provoked attacks and deaths of innocent fishermen, sinking their boats under the false pretext that the Venezuelan government is responsible for drug trafficking in the United States.

WE EXIGE President Trump to cease his threats against the governments of Mexico, Colombia, Cuba, Brazil, Venezuela, and Nicaragua, countries that defend their sovereignty and their freedom and do not submit to the colonialism of the United States.

The world is experiencing a profound uncertainty due to wars, conflicts, and hunger in various regions, factors that endanger World Peace. We are facing an unpredictable escalation: we know how wars begin, but no one knows how they end.

Israel’s genocide against the Palestinian people has caused an extermination that hurts all of humanity. Despite the ceasefire, Israel continues to provoke deaths and hunger in the Gaza Strip, with the support and complicity of the United States and several European countries.

You can sign the Appeal here.

(Editor’s note: Thank you to Alicia Cabezudo for having sent this to CPNN.)

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Julian Assange says peace prize has become “instrument of war” and sues Nobel

FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION

An article from the Peoples Dispatch (reprinted according to Creative Commons  Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 (CC BY-SA) license)

WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange filed a criminal complaint on Tuesday, December 17, against the Nobel Foundation, accusing 30 members of the organization, including its chairwoman and executive director, of involvement in serious crimes under Swedish law. The action challenges the Norwegian Nobel Peace Committee’s decision to award this year’s prize  to far-right Venezuelan politician María Corina Machado.

Assange is requesting the immediate freezing of 11 million Swedish kronor (approximately USD 1.18 million) scheduled to be transferred to Machado, arguing that awarding the prize completely distorts the principles expressed in Alfred Nobel’s will, which stipulated that the prize should go to whoever worked for fraternity among nations and the reduction of standing armies.

In the complaint submitted to Sweden’s Economic Crimes Authority and War Crimes Unit, Assange maintains that the selection of María Corina  “converted an instrument of peace into an instrument of war.” The legal filing mentions possible crimes including misappropriation of funds, facilitation of war crimes and crimes against humanity, as well as financing the crime of aggression. Assange argues that “Machado’s incitement of the largest US military buildup since the Iraq war makes her categorically ineligible.”

Read more: Machado’s Nobel Peace Prize “stained with blood,” social movements warn

The document lists recent public statements by the Venezuelan politician, such as explicit support for the United States’ military strategy in the Caribbean, her advocacy for military intervention in the South American country, and alignment with the offensive by Donald Trump, the US president reelected in 2024. “Alfred Nobel’s endowment for peace cannot be spent on the promotion of war,” Assange stated in the filing.

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Question related to this article:
 
Julian Assange, Is he a hero for the culture of peace?

The Nobel Peace Prize: Does it go to the right people?

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Beyond challenging the selection of María Corina, the WikiLeaks founder questions why the Nobel Foundation did not exercise the same oversight it had in 2018, when it suspended the transfer of the Literature prize. Assange notes that the administrators have a legal obligation to ensure compliance with Alfred Nobel’s will, and that any disbursement contrary to its purpose may constitute a crime.

Between war and oil: Nobel deepens international crisis

The complaint comes amid a major US military escalation in the Caribbean region. Just two days after the Nobel Peace ceremony on December 10, Trump announced that military attacks on Venezuela “would begin by land.” The deployment of more than 15,000 soldiers, including the aircraft carrier USS Gerald R. Ford, is considered by analysts to be the largest US military deployment in the Caribbean since the Missile Crisis in 1962.

María Corina, who has been in exile since July 2024 following coup attempts against Nicolás Maduro’s reelection, welcomed the mobilization. In an interview with CBS, she declared unconditional support for Trump’s strategy and said she aspires to the Venezuelan presidency following a possible foreign intervention.

Assange

Assange’s own trajectory is also directly shaped by conflicts like those now involving Venezuela. Persecuted for more than a decade for revealing war crimes committed by the US in Afghanistan and Iraq, he spent seven years in asylum at the Ecuadorian embassy in London and five years imprisoned under maximum security  in the United Kingdom. Released in June 2024 following a judicial agreement with the US, he now lives in Australia, his home country.

Assange’s criminal complaint against the Nobel Foundation requests, among other measures, that the money be frozen, the medal returned, the foundation members investigated, and that the case potentially be referred to the International Criminal Court. For the activist, the 2025 prize marks a dangerous turning point: “María Corina Machado may have tipped the scales in favor of war, facilitated by the named suspects.”

First published in Portuguese at Brasil de Fato.

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International stability, human security and the nuclear challenge: Yearbook of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute

DISARMAMENT & SECURITY .

Introduction to the Yearbook of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (abridged)

In 2025 the world marks the 80th anniversary of the only times that nuclear weapons have been used in war—the bombings of Hiroshima on 6 August 1945 and Nagasaki three days later. In those eight decades, a great deal of death and destruction has been meted out in war but the taboo against using nuclear weapons has survived and grown stronger. This is, as the Nobel Peace Prize Committee noted when awarding the 2024 Peace Prize to the movement of Japanese nuclear survivors (hibakusha), Nihon Hidankyo, ‘an encouraging fact’. Nonetheless, new risks mean it is worth reviewing today’s nuclear challenge.

Nuclear weapons pose existential risk for the world population, as does ecological disruption, the impact of which on peace and stability is starting to be felt in a context in which insecurity is already on the rise for other reasons. The 2020s have so far seen more numerous armed conflicts compared to the previous three decades, with higher war fatalities and increased displacement of people. Great power confrontation has returned to levels of intensity not experienced since the end of the cold war in 1989–91, including the articulation of nuclear threats.

It can therefore be no surprise that, in 2024, global security showed no overall improvement and some deterioration compared to the previous year. Several armed conflicts—not least in Ethiopia, Gaza, Myanmar and Sudan— continued to escalate. Though the overthrow of the Assad regime in Syria in December 2024 offered the prospect of an end to the country’s civil wars, a sustainably peaceful outcome was far from certain. Overall, the international capacity for peaceful conflict management continued to seem not quite up to its extraordinarily challenging tasks. Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine continued, confrontation over Taiwan deepened, tensions on the Korean peninsula sharpened, and global politics were marked by increasing divisiveness and polarization sown by, among other causes of disputation, Israel’s devastating offensive in Gaza. . .

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Question related to this article:
 
Can we abolish all nuclear weapons?

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New uncertainties originated in the November 2024 election of Donald J. Trump as President of the United States. These played out in the first quarter of 2025 once he had taken office and quickly came to occupy the foreground in discussion of world affairs . . .

The president made explicit territorial claims for Greenland, for Canada (though the degree of seriousness of this was hard to gauge), for control of the Panama Canal, and for Gaza, as a US-owned holiday resort after expelling all Palestinians. He evinced apparent acceptance of Russia retaining territory it controlled due to its illegal invasion of Ukraine, while demanding access to Ukraine’s mineral resources, and refused to back two United Nations resolutions condemning Russia’s invasion. . . .

The second Trump administration rolled back US policy on climate change, encouraging the fossil fuel companies to turn away from any plan for an energy transition. Financial oversight came under attack with the firing of more than 12 inspectors-general responsible for fiscal propriety in federal government agencies and departments. This was part of a broader attack on the federal bureaucracy .

In the first quarter of 2025, therefore, both allies and adversaries of the USA and all those in between found themselves navigating uncharted geopolitical and economic waters. The policies and stances of the Trump administration in its first weeks may not all endure for its full four years. But some will likely persist and embed themselves deep enough in American policy that the next administration, even if it is not cut from Trumpian cloth, will find it hard to do away with them entirely. This is the complex background to discussing the nuclear challenge in the coming years. This chapter first looks at the current state of arms control (section II), then at the prospects of a new nuclear arms race (section III), before returning to the context of a world order in crisis (section IV), in order to discuss how the nuclear challenge might be addressed (section V).

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International Institute for Peace Education 2026 Spain

… EDUCATION FOR PEACE …

An announcement from the International Institute for Peace Education

We invite all formal and non-formal peace educators, academics, activists, NGO actors, and education-focused peacebuilders to apply to join the 2026 International Institute on Peace Education from July 19-26 in Granada, Spain.

IIPE 2026 Spain will convene 60 educators from around the world for a week-long, residential, learning community experience in peace education. A rich exchange of peacebuilding research, academic theory, best practices, and actions will be shared through IIPE’s evolving dialogical, cooperative, and intersubjective modes of reflective inquiry and experiential learning.

IIPE 2026 Spain is organized by the IIPE Secretariat in partnership with a network of former IIPE participants in Spain in partnership with national, regional, and local NGOs and universities. The Institute will take place at the Colegio Mayor Jesús María of the University of Granada.

Granada: A Tapestry for Peacelearning

Granada, Spain, is a global crossroads, a historic melting pot of civilizations. Located in the Spanish region of Andalucía (part of ancient Al-Andalus), it has been the center of coexistence for multiple cultures. At various periods, the rich cultures of Europe, Africa, and the Americas have coexisted in dialogue with each other, forming a dynamic intellectual and artistic flowering that can still be seen today in the extraordinary architecture and gardens. Spain, in turn, is a European country marked by interconnectedness as its hallmark. Due to its history over the years, it has been a dynamic social and political actor in relation to the problems of the Mediterranean region, Europe, and Latin America. Today, it is an essential and fertile space where perspectives converge to understand the negotiations, dilemmas, and challenges of global peace. 

IIPE 2026 Spain at the University of Granada aims to draw out the parallel challenges of deep ecological thinking and intercultural relations. We aim to channel the spirit of Granada as a historical center of tolerance, dialogue, and intercultural symbiosis. Andalucia’s Medieval intellectual, artistic, and architectural achievements reflect a “vision of a culture of tolerance [which] recognized that incongruity in shaping individuals as well as their cultures was enriching and productive” (Menocal, 2002, p. 11).

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(Click here for a version in Spanish)

Question for this article:

Where is peace education taking place?

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Today, we recognize our interdependence and the interrelatedness of perversely complex challenges: climate crises; militarization, arms proliferation, and the use of lethal violence; and structural violence, such as discrimination, exclusion, colonialization, and domination in all its forms. These dangers are evident today in unbearable conditions of displacement and migration, climate catastrophes, and endless wars. All of these beg for vision, dialogue, and pedagogy that reaches across borders.

Pedagogy, research, and evaluation in peace education have undergone remarkable development over the past 25 years. IIPE 2026 Spain will constitute a learning community, a mini-ecosystem, in which the implications for peacelearning will be considered. Together, we hope to deepen our understanding and connect with each other through these initial questions: How has this professionalization changed peace education? Can the intersubjectivity and warmth of learning together continue with greater instrumentalization? Can we engage rational thinking and interrelate it with sentipensar, feeling-thinking that validates emotions and sentience? How does the concept of Gaia shift the ecological relational paradigm for peace? How can educational policies preserve indigenous learning and incorporate popular culture as the field advances?

In addition, the question of human relations with the more-than-human world will be raised. How might human relations evolve again so that we can reclaim the understanding that our survival depends on the health of the Earth, air, water, soil, and other living systems? New questions, new options, and new perspectives will be encouraged.

Reference: Menocal, M.R. (2002). The ornament of the world: How Muslims, Jews, and Christians created a culture of tolerance in Medieval Spain. Little, Brown.

How to Apply

Applications are invited from peace educators who are teachers and/or academics, as well as activists, NGO actors, and others involved in civil society and governance. Our goal is to bring diversity and plurality of experience to shed light on these pressing peace issues.

APPLY NOW

About the IIPE

The International Institute on Peace Education is a weeklong residential experience for educators and scholars hosted in a different country every other summer. The Institute facilitates exchanges of theory and practical experiences in teaching peace education and serves to grow the field. In serving the field, the IIPE operates as an applied peace education laboratory that provides a space for pedagogical experimentation; cooperative, deep inquiry into shared issues; and advancing theoretical, practical, and pedagogical applications. Since its inauguration at Teachers College, Columbia University in 1982, the IIPE has been hosted in 18 different countries, bringing together thousands of experienced and aspiring educators, academics, professional workers, and activists in the field of peace education from around the world to exchange knowledge and experiences and learn with and from each other in its intensive residentially based learning community.  The objectives of each particular institute are rooted in the needs and transformational concerns of the co-sponsoring host partner(s), their local community, and the surrounding region. (Click here for more information.)

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Nonviolence International is growing!

EDUCATION FOR PEACE .

An email received from Sami Awad, Co-Director of Nonviolence International

Last year I joined NVI as Co-Director, stepping in the productive shoes of David Hart, and this year we have added staff members Zoya Craig as Director of Operations and Finance and Bianca Peracchi, as Coordinator of Programs and Communications. NVI previously never had more than 3 core staff people.

In the past, much of our work focused on fiscally sponsoring courageous grassroots organizations around the world. Many of these courageous groups, such as the Freedom Flotilla, are too politically frightened to be sponsored by others. That work continues and remains essential. 

But this year, we stepped into a new chapter: NVI is shifting back to become a global hub for nonviolence training, leadership development, understanding collective trauma, and strategic support for movements resisting violence, oppression and injustice.

As much as the Palestinian cause envelopes my life, I, like my uncle Mubarak, who founded Nonviolence International, want nonviolence and our powerful tools to be globalized.

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Question related to this article:

Can peace be guaranteed through nonviolent means?

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If you care about nonviolent resistance in Palestine, we hope you will join us to support nonviolent resistance in other places such as Syria, Sahrawis, Kashmiris, West Papuans, Rohingyas and many other locations. We recently re-energized the Western Sahara Solidarity Committee and had two of our staff members deported by Moroccan occupation agents.

This shift means more impact and it also means we need your support more than ever.


Will you help us reach 100 monthly donors so we are able to do more?

This is the future of Nonviolence International: to be and grow as the backbone and a training center, a leadership incubator, a global movement connector, and a support system for communities resisting climate chaos, militarism, racism, gender violence, and economic inequality, with courage and vision.

By the way, I hope to see you in 2026. I am planning to travel widely to promote the work of NVI and also my new book, Sacred Awakening. If you are interested in having me speak or train in your area let me know soon.

Thank you for believing in this work. 
Thank you for believing in what is possible.

In peace,

Sami Awad

Co-Director

Nonviolence International

P.S. We have a few slots open in our Nonlinear Leadership Training that I am leading beginning January 10th. We have participants from all over the world.

Nonviolence International
https://www.nonviolenceinternational.net/
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Week of Action for Peace and Climate Justice

. . SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT . .

Excerpts from the website of Climate Militarism

The Week of Action for Peace and Climate Justice was launched in 2024 and runs yearly, involving a wide range of events and actions organised by groups around the world, from webinars to advocacy events to digital publications to demonstrations. 

Working together, we will:

° Raise public awareness of the links between war, militarism/militarisation, social and climate injustice;

° Build connections between peace, climate and justice movements;

° And build momentum for collective action and policy making against militarism and for social and climate justice.

You can take part in the Week of Action from anywhere, by organising your own event, publication or action for peace and climate justice, or by promoting existing campaigns that address the WoA themes. Use the key resources on this website, especially the toolkit, to help you plan your event/action, and contact us for any other support.

The first-ever Global Week of Action for Peace & Climate Justice in 2024 brought together activists, students, researchers, and communities from every corner of the globe to demand an end to the militarised systems fuelling climate breakdown. Over the course of just one week — from 21 to 28 September — more than 60 coordinated events took place across at least 20 countries and five continents, creating a global wave of awareness and action. 

The second Global Week of Action for Peace & Climate Justice took place September 15-21, 2025 and included events around the world as listed here.

The Week of Action for Peace and Climate Justice is being facilitated by a sub-committee of the Arms, Militarism and Climate Justice Working Group, including International Peace Bureau (IPB), Peace Boat, Stop Wapenhandel, War Resisters International (WRI), Scientists for Global Responsibility (SGR), The Conflict and Environment Observatory (CEOBS) and Transnational Institute (TNI). The wider global mobilisation effort taking place in September (see (see website here) is coordinated in part by the Climate Action Network (CAN), 350.org, Asian People’s Movement on Debt and Development (APMDD), War on Want, Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice (DCJ) and the Climate Clock.

(Editor’s note: See CPNN article here about the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice (DCJ).)

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Question for this article:

Despite the vested interests of companies and governments, Can we make progress toward sustainable development?

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Why?

War and militarism are causing climate breakdown and consuming essential resources needed to address social, climate and ecological crises. Next to taking lives and devastating whole communities, the build-up and use of armed force destroys lands and ecosystems, polluting waters, soils and air and leaving behind toxic remnants and unexploded weapons that cause harm to generations long after conflicts end. The world’s militaries account for 5.5% of global greenhouse gas emissions: if they were a country, they would be the world’s fourth largest national emitter. And still, militaries remain exempt from global reporting and reduction agreements. Further, military industries depend on vast amounts of metals, minerals and fossil fuels; the US military is the single largest institutional fossil fuel consumer in the world. Indeed, fossil-energy fuels both wars and climate disaster – and the shareholders profiting from fossil fuel extraction are closely linked with those profiting from global arms, mining and tech industries. Together, they drive global violence and injustice. 

But some people argue militarism is part of the solution: that we need harder borders, more arms and bigger armies to cope with climate breakdown. They claim that war can be made green – but this is a false solution. Today’s escalation of armed, social and ecological harms share systemic roots and must be tackled together. Ecologies of harm require ecologies of resistance. 

And we do have alternatives that can both protect ourselves and the planet. It is vital that movements for peace, social and climate justice understand the connections between our causes and work together for a world that values the safety and wellbeing of everyone; foregrounding people and planet over power and profit. No climate justice without social justice and neither without demilitarisation! 

Why Now?

In September, world leaders will meet at the UN General Assembly — just six weeks before the UN Climate Conference COP30 in Brazil. We are at a crossroads. 2025 must be a turning point for a just transition, for peace, and for real democracy. Right now, powerful governments are sliding toward authoritarianism, engaging in brinkmanship and reversing decades of progress. Multilateral commitments to climate action as well as arms control and disarmament are being weakened or abandoned. Big Business – including fossil fuel, arms, tech, mining and agrifood companies – and their lobbyists have more influence than the people. Frontline communities suffer the most — yet are shut out of the decisions that shape their lives. Leaders should take direction from communities, not corporations. 

This is our moment to draw the line — and take back our future from those who profit by destroying it.

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Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice (DCJ) 

. SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT . .

Information from the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice

The Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice (DCJ) is a network of over 200 climate justice groups and organisations working at international, regional and local level on climate justice and related realities.

DCJ was formed in 2012 in Bangkok, with 200 groups agreeing to a common platform and mission, with the intention of being a campaign vehicle to collectivise Global South grassroots voices. It focuses on bringing on groups and organiszations together rather than unaffiliated individuals.

Since then, DCJ has been campaigning on Energy transformation (through the Reclaim Power mobiliszations), Just Transition, Climate Finance, False and Real Solutions, anti-militariszation, food systems, land rights and equitable access to resources including clean air, water and energy. DCJ is the convener of climate justice groups in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, where DCJ makes up one half of the Environmental NGO (ENGO) Constituency alongside Climate Action Network (CAN).

To become a member, an organization needs to fill out a form and inform the Global Coordinator. The form includes an explicit endorsement to DCJ’s Platform document.

What we are fighting For

Fight for the transformation of energy systems

An end to dirty and harmful energy; a fulfilment of peoples’ rights to energy for their basic needs;

A swift change to public and community renewable and clean energy;

An end to the excessive and wasteful energy consumption by corporations and elites.

Fight for food sovereignty, for peoples’ rights to sufficient, healthy and appropriate food and sustainable food systems

The promotion of sustainable climate change resilient agriculture and agro-ecology;

Democratic access to land and land-based resources;

The rights of small food producers;

The recognition of women’s roles and rights in agriculture, aquaculture, fishing and pastoral systems;

Farmers’ control of seed diversity;
The global re-organization of food production and trade towards prioritizing consumption of locally produced food.

Fight for peoples’ rights to sufficient, affordable, clean, quality water

For the sustainable, equitable and democratic us and management of water resources;

For the protection of water sources and watersheds from extractive industries, dirty and harmful energy projects.

Fight for just transitions for all workers beginning with those in the dirty and harmful energy industries

Create jobs for building climate resilience and bringing down greenhouse gas emissions;

Defend and ensure the fulfillment of the rights of all working people including gender and reproductive rights;

Provide sustainable, decent and climate change resilient livelihoods and jobs for all.

Fight for people’s safety and security of homes and livelihoods from climate disasters

The rights of climate-displaced peoples and climate migrants;

Community managed programs for adaptation, resilience building and renewable energy systems in disaster response and reconstruction efforts;

The end to corporate domination and profiteering from disaster relief and reconstruction.

Fight for the social, political, economic, cultural and reproductive rights and empowerment of all of our people and communities

Including indigenous peoples, workers, farmers, pastoralists, fishers, urban and rural poor, women and LGBT, children and youth, migrants, refugees, stateless, unemployed, landless, seniors, differently abled – and their equitable rights to and responsibility for the commons.

And the delivery of climate finance as part of these reparations.

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Question for this article:

Despite the vested interests of companies and governments, Can we make progress toward sustainable development?

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Fight for reparations for climate debt owed by those most responsible for climate change

Fight for the mobilization and delivery of climate finance

By all states as part of their obligations to attend to the needs and welfare of their citizens; Ensure that climate finance is allocated and used equitably, democratically and appropriate to its purposes.

Fight for the end to deception and false solutions

In mitigation and adaptation (“maladaptation”) such as offsets and carbon trading, marketbased approaches to forests (REDD) and agriculture (“Climate Smart”), soil and water, large-scale geo-engineering, and techno-fixes, nuclear energy, mega hydro dams, agro-fuels, “clean” coal, GMOs, the waste to energy incineration industry, large-scale “re-modeling”;

Stop corporate and private finance capture of climate programs.

Fight for the end to policies, decisions and measures by governments, elites, institutions and corporations (domestic, regional and global) that increase the vulnerabilities of people and planet to impacts of climate change

Such as logging and deforestation, destruction and corporate takeover of forests and mangroves by dirty and harmful industries, unregulated extractive industries, monocropping plantations, trade liberalization, privatization of essential services, discriminatory and harmful migration and border policies, discrimination of women, seniors, children indigenous groups, ethnic communities, poor families and communities.

Fight to stop the commodification and financialization of nature and nature’s functions

Fight for an international climate agreement that is rooted in science, equity and justice

Based on historical responsibility; without offsets and loopholes; aimed at limiting temperature rise to well below 1.5º C;

Ensuring delivery of finance and technology and other mechanisms to empower people and communities to build resilience and deal with loss and damage.

International Members

ActionAid
Africa Trade Network
African Water Network (AWN)
Alternatives Asia
Asia/Pacific Network on Food Sovereignty (APNFS)
Asia/Pacific Forum on Women Law and Development (APWLD)
Asian Regional Exchanges for New Alernatives (ARENA)
Campana Mesoamericana para la Justicia Climatica
Corporate Accountability
Corporate Accountability & Public Participation Africa (CAPPA)
Biofuelwatch
Earth in Brackets [Earth]
ETC Group
FERN
Focus on the Global South
Friends of the Earth International
Gastivists
Global Alliance for Incinerator Alternatives GAIA
Global Forest Coalition (GFC)
Ibon International
Iniciativa Construyendo Puentes – Redes Latinoamericanas frente al Cambio Climatico
International Campaign on Climate Refugees’ Rights
International Indigenous Peoples Movement for Self Determination and Liberation (IPMSDL)
International Lawyers.org
Jubilee South – Asia/Pacific Movement on Debt and Development (JSAPMDD)
LDC Watch International
Migrant Forum Asia (MFA)
Oil Change International
Push Europe
Social Watch International
South Asia Alliance for Poverty Eradication (SAAPE)
South Asian Dialogues on Ecological Democracy
Southern and Eastern African Trade Information and Negotiations Institute (SEATINI)
Third World Network (TWN)
The Transnational Institute (TNI)
350.org
War on Want
WOMIN
World Council of Churches
Young Friends of the Earth Europe

Regional Members

See lists here from Africa (39), Latin America (29), Asia and the Pacific 119), North America and Europe (30).

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Report of the 2025 Nyéléni Global Forum on Food Sovereignty and Global Solidarity

. . SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT . .

An article by Ecehan Balta in Internationalist Standpoint

From 6–14 September 2025, the 3rd 

Historical Continuity: From 2007 to 2015 and 2025

The 2007 Nyéléni Forum in Mali marked the global proclamation of food sovereignty. The declaration adopted there emphasized the right of peoples to define their own food and agricultural systems, the collective control over seeds, land, and water, the recognition of women’s roles, and resistance to market-based food aid (Nyéléni Declaration, 2007/2008).

The 2015 forum in Derio, Basque Country, expanded food sovereignty beyond rural production, integrating the experiences of urban consumers, migrant workers, and climate movements. Agroecology was broadened by the practices of cooperatives, short food chains, and climate justice. Strong feminist perspectives also came to the fore.

The 2025 forum in Kandy, Sri Lanka, inherited these foundations but introduced new dimensions: the global debt crisis, debates on energy democracy, the centrality of care work and social reproduction, and the Palestinian question. Food sovereignty was thus redefined not as a sectoral issue limited to agriculture, but as an anticapitalist program for social transformation.

Regional Assemblies: Building a Shared Agenda

The political horizon of Kandy was shaped by two years of preparatory regional meetings.

° Asia and Pacific: The statement “Asia at a Turning Point” highlighted how debt crises and climate disasters were destroying people’s food systems across the region. The choice of Sri Lanka as host was deeply symbolic.

* Africa: Land grabbing, drought, and hunger were framed as a combined crisis. Food sovereignty was articulated as the continuation of postcolonial struggles for independence.

°,Latin America and the Caribbean: Land occupations by the MST, indigenous rights, and agroecological practices were highlighted, while the “rights of Pachamama” entered constitutional debates.

° Europe and Central Asia: Farmers’ uprisings, the exploitation of migrant labor, and climate justice were central themes, alongside debates on cooperatives and solidarity economies.

° Near East and North Africa (NENA): Palestine was placed at the center. The use of food as a weapon of war, the blockade, and the destruction of agriculture under occupation were foregrounded.

° North America: Indigenous struggles for land, the exploitation of migrant workers, and food justice movements became the focus.

These different emphases converged in Kandy, laying the groundwork for a common front of systemic transformation.

Food Sovereignty: Agroecology, Commons and Social Reproduction

Food sovereignty is not merely a policy to eradicate hunger or ensure access to food. It must be distinguished from food security, which focuses on the availability and affordability of food in the market. Food sovereignty, by contrast, places at its center the right of peoples to define their own food systems, safeguard their cultural practices, and sustain their ways of life. Thus, it is not only about combating hunger but also about sovereignty, self-management, and collective control over the means of life.

Within this framework, agroecology emerges as the concrete foundation of food sovereignty. Agroecology preserves biodiversity, sustains local knowledge systems, avoids chemical dependency, and prioritizes solidarity. Small-scale farmers, coastal fishers, nomadic pastoralists, and especially women producers stand at its core. In the forum, agroecology was defined not as a mere technical practice but as a way for peoples to reproduce life against capitalism—a form of ecological, social, and cultural resistance.

One of the strongest conceptual contributions of Nyéléni 2025 was the Food as a Commons perspective. This approach redefines food not as a commodity but as a shared resource managed by collective will. Seed banks, community-supported agriculture, producer and consumer cooperatives, and solidarity finance mechanisms embody this approach. Commoning practices articulate collective control over the production, distribution, and reproduction of food.

Food sovereignty finds its true meaning when combined with the solidarity economy. As debated in the forum, solidarity economy initiatives—cooperatives, short supply chains, local markets, and community-based finance models—enable people to build their own food systems independently of market and state impositions. Food sovereignty is therefore not merely an agricultural model but also the assertion of people’s right to reconstruct their economic relations.

With the strong input of feminist movements, food sovereignty was also framed as a question of social reproduction. The invisible labor of women in kitchens, fields, and markets was recognized as the backbone of food systems. Without women’s unpaid labor, neither production, distribution, nor nutrition could be sustained in its current form. Food sovereignty thus became inseparable from the struggle to dismantle the patriarchal division of labor and achieve women’s emancipation. The forum redefined food sovereignty by integrating agroecology, commons, solidarity economy, and the feminist perspective of social reproduction.

Energy Sovereignty or Energy Democracy?

Another central debate concerned how to name struggles over energy.

The notion of “energy sovereignty” evokes the rhetoric of national sovereignty. While it is sometimes used to strengthen the hand of states against corporations, it also risks justifying authoritarian energy policies and fossil fuel dependency. Today, many governments promote mega-dams, nuclear plants, and fossil projects in the name of “sovereignty.”

“Energy democracy,” by contrast, centers on people’s control over energy production and distribution, direct participation in decision-making, and democratic planning. Energy cooperatives, municipal renewable investments, and community-based models are its concrete tools.

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Question for this article:

What is the relation between movements for food sovereignty and the global movement for a culture of peace?

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From the perspective of Nyéléni, the concept worth defending is energy democracy. It is based on participation and equality, respects ecological limits, centers the interests of workers, women, and local communities, and resists recolonization by breaking away from interstate power rivalries. For food, “sovereignty” is the right concept because it refers directly to the source of life; for energy, “democracy and planning” are more accurate, as energy is the infrastructure of life and only democratic planning can ensure a just transition.

For all this to be achievable, of course, energy production, distribution and all relevant sectors must be brought into public ownership.

Sri Lanka: The Debt Crisis and the Paradox of a “Socialist” Government

Sri Lanka was a symbolic host for the forum, as its recent history reflected the stakes of food sovereignty in stark terms. In 2022, the country suffered a massive economic collapse: foreign reserves dried up, food and fuel imports stalled, and millions took to the streets in unprecedented uprisings, forcing the government to resign. In the 2024 elections, the National People’s Power (NPP) coalition came to power. Led by Anura Kumara Dissanayake, the NPP was widely described in the international press as a “socialist government.”

Yet the new administration refused  to cancel the agreements with the IMF. The restructuring program imposed by the IMF brought severe austerity measures that deeply affected daily life. Public spending was cut, agricultural and food subsidies were drastically reduced, and support for fertilizer and seeds was curtailed, pushing many small farmers out of production. Rising import prices further weakened local production, while the liberalization of energy prices increased production costs and limited poor households’ access to electricity and fuel.

As a result, dependence on imports grew. But with scarce foreign reserves, imported food prices fluctuated sharply, rendering basic staples inaccessible to many families. In the forum, Sri Lankan peasant movements emphasized that the IMF program was not only economically destructive but also devastating for food sovereignty, stripping communities of the capacity to sustain their own food systems and locking the country into external dependency.

The crisis extended beyond production into social reproduction. Cuts in public services—healthcare, education, social support—intensified the burden on women, who bore the brunt both through unpaid care work at home and as cheap labor in the market. Feminist delegates stressed how IMF-imposed policies reinforced patriarchal divisions of labor and exacerbated the invisible weight carried by women.

Sri Lanka thus became a powerful lesson at Nyéléni 2025. A government described as “socialist” aligning itself with the IMF underscored that food sovereignty cannot be achieved through agroecology and local practices alone, but requires direct confrontation with the global financial system and its local lackeys. Debt traps restrict governments from implementing pro-people policies, undermine local production, and deny people the possibility of building self-managed food systems. The Sri Lankan experience revealed food sovereignty to be, at its core, also an anti-debt and anti-neoliberal struggle.

Palestinian Solidarity: Food as a Weapon of War

Palestine was the strongest unifying theme of the forum. In Gaza, Israel’s systematic destruction of farmland, restrictions on fishing, control of water resources, and blockades on basic foods revealed how food itself had been turned into a weapon of war.

In Kandy, a march in solidarity with Palestine had been planned. Yet foreign delegates were barred from participating after, in the words of a member of the Sri Lankan organizing committee, “a call from the very top.” Despite this restriction and the tensions it created within the forum, Sri Lankans themselves carried out a strong and meaningful march, making solidarity visible in the streets.

This sharpened the political spirit of the forum. Palestinian solidarity demonstrated that food sovereignty is not merely an agricultural or policy question but part of a global, anti-colonial struggle.

Conclusion: A Shared?? Political Agenda for Systemic Transformation

Nyéléni 2025 powerfully asserted that reclaiming collective control over food and energy systems is essential not only to end hunger but also to build a new social order against the multiple crises of capitalism. One of the forum’s most significant contributions was to articulate food and energy as distinct yet interlinked spheres of struggle, each demanding the self-determination of peoples.

Yet despite this radical discourse, frequent references to United Nations frameworks—on sustainability, human rights, and climate—sparked a major debate. On the one hand, the UN, reduced almost to the level of an international NGO, was seen as incapable of producing genuine transformation. On the other, relying even at the level of advocacy on UN documents raised questions about the coherence of the forum’s political determination.

This tension had historical roots. The first Nyéléni forum and subsequent struggles paved the way for the adoption of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Peasants (UNDROP, 2018). Similarly, the long struggle of Indigenous peoples contributed to the adoption of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP, 2007). These achievements fostered a sense of confidence—that popular forums could indeed influence global instruments. Yet Nyéléni 2025 also made visible the risk that such confidence may be misleading. For, while UNDROP and UNDRIP were products of people’s struggles, in practice states often ignored them, or they became tools for boosting the legitimacy of discredited capitalist fora without effecting real change.

Hence one of the critical questions raised was: Can a forum that claims an anticapitalist path legitimately reference institutions that are themselves pillars of capitalism and imperialism? For us, the answer lay in building alternatives from below with a prospect of systemic (socialist) change, rooted in mass self-organisation of the workers and the poor. Otherwise, this carries the risk of dulling the radical edge of food sovereignty and embedding it within the very system it seeks to overcome.

Nyéléni 2025 did not resolve all these contradictions but made them explicit. And perhaps this was its most important contribution: rather than concealing internal tensions, the forum laid them bare. The challenge moving forward is to determine whether the “global legitimacy” produced by the UN serves people’s struggles, or whether it ultimately undermines their independence.

As the main slogan of the forum declared:

Systemic Transformation: Now or Never.

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