Category Archives: global

Universal Peace: A Cosmic Coincidence?

. EDUCATION FOR PEACE .

An article sent to CPNN from J.S. Sadin

In 2015 I needed to accurately reproduce a peace sign for a project. Searching the Internet for imagery I selected a thick lined peace sign posted on Wikimedia Commons representing the iconic image from the 1960s anti-war movement. A few measurements led to A Proportional Peace Sign specification enabling anyone to create a peace sign of any size. (image 1 below)

Later I learned the peace sign was originally created in 1958 by an English graphic designer, Gerald Holtom. It was adopted as the British Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament logo. Holtom based his design on a composite of the semaphore flag positions for the letters ’N’ (a downward facing ‘V’) and ‘D’ (a vertical line) for Nuclear Disarmament, all within a circle.


(click on image to enlarge)

In 2024 I heard NASA positioned the James Web Space Telescope on the opposite side of Earth from the Sun, at a location in space called Lagrange point 2 (L2), because L2 is a gravitationally stable point in space, which means it takes minimal fuel to keep the Web telescope (or any satellite) correctly positioned.

There are five Lagrange points on or near the orbit of Earth around the Sun. It turns out there are also five unique Lagrange points like this on and near the orbit of each planet in our solar system, and the orbit of every planet orbiting every star in the Universe, because the laws of physics defining Lagrange points are universal. (image 2 above)

Lagrange point history began around 1750, when Lagrange points L1, 2 and 3 were discovered by Leonhard Euler, a Swiss mathematician. The remaining Lagrange points, L4 and 5, were then discovered a decade later by Joseph-Louis Lagrange, the Italian mathematician, physicist and astronomer, who later worked out the details in his “three-body problem” essay, published in 1772.

Question related to this article:
 
Can popular art help us in the quest for truth and justice?

Nearly two centuries later, in the late 1950’s, the post-war nuclear arms race was well underway. Average people began pushing back against the existential danger posed by the proliferation of nuclear weapons. Gerald Holtom’s Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament logo could have been based on any number of things, but his creative decision to combine elements of the semaphore system used for nautical and emergency communication led to what eventually became the iconic peace sign.

It’s notable that these unrelated histories, separated by hundreds of years, produced remarkably similar symbols: one intentionally, the other inherently. Many of us might not even notice the differences; a coincidence that nearly defies explanation: What are the odds that a peace sign, a symbol representing the absence of war, would exist in every two-body system in the Universe?

Today, the changes we’re witnessing on the world stage are jarring and disruptive. The international rules- based order established eighty years ago by the U.S. after WWII is faltering, and mid-power nations are reconsidering security alliances thought to be iron clad. They know historically chaos can breed chaos, forcing some to begin rearming while Russia, China and America eye regional opportunities created by events, increasing the odds of conflict.

Life is the animate of the inanimate of the infinite, existing only on Earth. By any measure life is the most precious thing in the Universe. The next war this world is capable of delivering upon itself would be devastating to civilization and higher forms of life. And while the world will turn with or without us, we have a stake in humanity’s future for our children and their children’s children. All of us living today owe our descendants a peaceful clean planet, and peace is the precondition to equitably share the only world we may ever know.

A coincidental symbol resembling Holtom’s original may simply be a sign more peace is our only hope. (image 3 below)

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The Rivas International Peace Forum Approves a Roadmap to Fight Escalating Militarism and Defend Peace, Multilateralism, and Peaceful Coexistence

FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION .

An article from the International Peace Bureau

Against an international backdrop marked by growing instability and global rearmament, the International Peace Forum concluded this Friday (September 25), in Rivas-Vaciamadrid. It brought together 63 organizations from 32 countries with the aim of mapping out diplomatic alternatives to what they describe as one of the most dangerous periods since World War II.

Video of Forum on facebook

The forum’s panels centered the debate on the need to transition away from a unipolar international order—sustained by record increases in global military spending, which reached $2.718 trillion in 2024—toward a multilateral framework of peaceful coexistence.

Speakers at the forum denounced the financial priorities of global powers, noting that they continue to divert essential funds that should instead go toward healthcare, housing, and the fight against hunger. Similarly, during the working sessions and five thematic panels held at the gathering, delegations analyzed key conflict hotspots:

° Middle East and North Africa: The forum condemns the crisis in Palestine and Lebanon, as well as the recent aggression against Iran that threatens energy security in the Strait of Hormuz.

° Latin America: It demands the immediate removal of the economic blockade and energy siege imposed by the United States on Cuba, while also rejecting coercive measures and aggression against Venezuela.

° Eastern Europe and Sub-Saharan Africa: The forum urged negotiated solutions to end the war in Ukraine and the dynamics of conflict in Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Western Sahara.

The forum also made an urgent appeal for the signing of an international treaty guaranteeing the prohibition and ecologically safe dismantlement of nuclear arsenals, which currently exceed 12,000 warheads globally. Furthermore, peace was linked to climate justice following the commitments of COP30 in Belém, and special focus was placed on protecting women and migrants affected by wars and human trafficking networks.

Unlike other international gatherings, the Rivas Forum aims not to end merely with a statement of principles and intentions. To ensure the continuity of its work and follow up on agreements, the participating organizations have established a roadmap with commitments to create:

° International Coordination Mechanism: Concrete proposals to formalize a permanent communication and cooperation network will be presented before the end of 2026, operating continuously through 2027.

° New Monitoring Institutions: Approval was granted to propose an International Observatory on Conflict Resolution and Militarism to prepare periodic reports, alongside the structure of a Parliamentary Network connecting lawmakers from Latin America, the Caribbean, and Europe.

° Mobilization Calendar: Endorsing the Stop Rearm Europe campaign and actively joining the days of pacifist mobilization scheduled for November 20 and 21, 2026, was also agreed upon.

Finally, the forum proposed promoting the submission of peace resolutions to the UN, UNESCO, WHO, and IMO, as well as seeking strategic diplomatic alliances with global integration platforms such as BRICS+, CELAC, the African Union, and ASEAN.

Question related to this article:

Where in the world can we find good leadership today?

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Political and social organizations and embassies

1- Partido Comunista de España 
2- Izquierda Unida
3- Ayuntamiento de Rivas Vaciamadrid 
4- Partido Comunista de Cuba
5- Partido Comunista de Portugal
6- Partido Comunista de Francia
7- Foro Europeo 
8- Partido Comunista de Uruguay
9- Frente Amplio de Uruguay:
10- PTB
11- Refundación Comunista 
12- Stop Rearm Europe
13- Intal Bélgica / RedFox
14- FPLP
15- Revolución Ciudadana de Ecuador
16- Unión de Juventudes Comunistas de España (UJCE) 
17- Asociación Patrice Lumumba
18- Transform Europe 
19- Foro de São Paulo
20- Celac Social 
21- Partido Comunista Colombiano y Pacto Histórico
22- International Peace Bureau (IPB)
23- Socialistas Democráticos de América (DSA) 
24- Federaciob Democrática Internacional de Mujeres 
25- Moviniento Democratico de Mujeres
26- Pax Christi 
27- Justicia y Paz España 
28- Morena
29- Partido de la Izquierda Europea (PIE) 
30- World Beyond War
31- Alianza Negra por la Paz
32- Al -Haq 
33- Partido Comunista de Chile
35- CCOO
36- UGT
37- Mundubat
38- Unadikum
39- Movimiento Pacifista de Castilla-La Mancha Mujeres de Negro
40- Bloque de Resistencia y Rebeldía Popular de El Salvador, Madrid:
41- Argentina Soberana, Madrid
42- Solidaridad con Cuba, Madrid
43- Asociación Guinea Bissau Amilcal Cabral
44- Asociación Mujeres Africanas en España
45- AKEL Chipre
46- Gabon
47- Senegal:
48- Embajada China
49- Embajada Cuba 
50- Embajada Polisario
51- Movimiento Pan-africano 
52- Embajada Palestina
53- Embajada Vietnam
54- Partido Comunista de China
55- Centro Estudios y Trabajos Nueva Ruta de la Seda
56- Fundacion Mwhana Glenn
57- Guinea Ecuatorial
58- Iniciativa por el Retorno a Palestina 
59- Asociación Violeta Parra Chile
60- Partido Comunista Peru
61- Partido Comunista Bolivia 
62- Catedra China 
63- Asociación Embajadores/as por la Paz 

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Nobel Peace Prize 2026

. . HUMAN RIGHTS . .

A press release from the Nobel Prize

The Nobel Peace Prize for 2026 goes to a person who with exceptional courage and integrity has led the way towards a more comprehensive global legal order. This year’s laureate has been instrumental in ensuring that war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide are prosecuted.

The Norwegian Nobel Committee has decided to award the Nobel Peace Prize for 2026 to Navanethem “Navi” Pillay for her efforts to promote peace and international law.


Ill. Niklas Elmehed © Nobel Prize Outreach

Navi Pillay’s commitment to universal legal principles and her firm moral compass are constants in a long career. Born into a family of Indian Tamil origin under apartheid in Durban, South Africa, Pillay became a lawyer and legal pioneer, confronting deep structural discrimination, segregation and exclusion. A common thread runs from her early work defending Nelson Mandela and others who stood up against apartheid to her service as a judge in some of the key international court cases of our time.

This year’s laureate has significantly enlarged the scope and impact of international law. She has served as a judge on the High Court in South Africa, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the International Criminal Court. She was the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and, until recently, she chaired the UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory. Today Navi Pillay is a judge on the International Court of Justice in the case where Myanmar stands accused of genocide.

In historic international court cases, she has shown that legal measures can help prevent acts of war and violence. Navi Pillay has also contributed to strengthen the institutions of international law. Her independence, expertise and steadfastness have made her one of the most respected international jurists of our time.

The first Nobel Peace Prize was awarded 125 years ago. Already then, the Norwegian Nobel Committee underscored the importance of resolving conflicts through international law – a theme that has remained prominent throughout the history of the peace prize. The reach of international law expanded after the Second World War, in particular with the creation of the UN institutions. The key insight was that lasting peace must be built on legal principles, not on the will of the strong or a fragile balance of power. Additional legal mechanisms were introduced in the post-war decades, and momentum picked up further after the end of the Cold War.

However, the rules-based international order has never been perfect. The greatest powers have often evaded responsibility. In practice, cases brought under international law have produced different results depending on who is the perpetrator and who is the victim.

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Question related to this article:
 
How can war crimes be documented, stopped, punished and prevented?

The Nobel Peace Prize: Does it go to the right people?

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Nonetheless, we have seen that more and more conflicts are being addressed through diplomacy, treaties and legal mechanisms, rather than threats, violence and warfare. Leaders and populations alike have come to the same conclusion: international law is a foundation for a more peaceful world.

At a time of existential challenges – including more wars and conflicts than the world has seen in a long time – international law is no longer just a supplement to peace and security. It is an absolute necessity.

And yet, the system of international law is under tremendous pressure, and its institutions are under attack. We see a shift towards power politics at the expense of legal frameworks and global respect for law and justice. Whenever might overtakes right, it undermines stability, trust and peaceful co-existence.

In awarding this year’s Nobel Peace Prize, the Norwegian Nobel Committee wants to remind the world that the rule of law – national and international – underpins the system we have set up to ensure peace and resolve conflicts non-violently. Peace requires justice.

History has shown that a world operating without the rule of law is unjust, unwise and inhumane. The judges – those who guard the thin red line between order and chaos – are therefore highly deserving of our praise. But today, as these same judges are sanctioned, and their institutions are attacked, we need people of courage, vision and determination – qualities that Navi Pillay demonstrates in her work on the bench.

Navi Pillay has held states and national leaders accountable and brought hope to victims of violence and conflict. In all the positions she has held, she has stressed the responsibility of individuals and states to comply with the rule of law. She has also helped define the relevant norms and legal principles. When the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda established that rape and sexual violence could constitute a crime against humanity – as well as genocide – her influence was a significant factor. In the same case, Ms Pillay was instrumental in a separate legal breakthrough: for the first time, a defendant faced charges of incitement to commit genocide purely on the basis of spreading propaganda.

The Nobel Peace Prize for 2026 springs directly from Alfred Nobel’s will. Navi Pillay strengthens fraternity between nations and – by systematically advancing the use of tribunals for peace and justice – she provides substance, direction and motivation for peace conferences in their modern form.

Navi Pillay is one of the great defenders of international legal principles in our time. Her distinguished career reminds us of the need to support, fortify and expand the global rule of law. Navi Pillay’s commitment to justice and human dignity is a source of hope and inspiration to all who seek to bring about a more peaceful world.

(Click here for the French reaction to this announcment.)

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Professor Ada Aharoni: A Unique Vision of Peace

. . WOMEN’S EQUALITY . .

An article by Pressenza (translation by CPNN)

INTERVIEW WITH PROFESSOR ADA AHARONI, Founder and President of IFLAC World Peace – Haifa, Israel

Interview conducted by Ariel Français, Pierrick Hamon, Jean-Claude Mairal, and Stefania Scarponi. I-Dialogos: Professor Ada Aharoni, you were born in Cairo into a Jewish family that left Egypt for France before you arrived in Israel. How has this personal history—spanning multiple countries, languages, and cultures—shaped your commitment to peace?

Ada Aharoni: I was born in Cairo and grew up in a multicultural world. When the Jews of Egypt were expelled by the country following the creation of the State of Israel in 1948, we arrived in France, but I wanted to help Israel, which was then only two years old. From my earliest years, I lived among diverse languages, religions, and cultures. Later, the experience of leaving Egypt, living in France, and finally coming to Israel taught me something very important: identity does not necessarily have to erect walls between human beings. On the contrary, our diverse identities can enrich us.


Photo from Wikipedia

I also learned firsthand what it means to lose a homeland and start life over. This experience made me deeply sensitive to the displacement, fear, and rejection—as well as the longing for security and belonging—felt by Jews, Palestinians, and all peoples alike. It convinced me that peace cannot be built by denying history or the suffering of the other. We must learn about one another’s narratives, even when they are painful and contradictory. This understanding has guided my work as a writer, researcher, and peace activist throughout my life.

I-Dialogos: You founded IFLAC and, as an academic, you have given literature, culture, and music an essential role in peacebuilding. What can they make possible when political dialogue has deliberately broken down?

Ada Aharoni: I founded IFLAC—the International Forum for the Literature and Culture of Peace—in 2000 because I believe that political agreements alone cannot create lasting peace. We must also create a culture of peace. Literature, poetry, music, and the arts can reach places that political discourse often fails to reach. A poem can make us feel the suffering of someone we have been taught to view as an enemy. Music can bring people together without first asking about their nationality, religion, or political views.

The 11th IFLAC World Congress for Peace, held on September 22, 2026, was dedicated to peace through music and to the memory of Yehudi Menuhin, who understood the extraordinary universal power of music. When official dialogue breaks down, human dialogue must continue. Writers, musicians, educators, women, young people, and peace organizations can keep bridges standing until political leaders are ready to cross them.

I-Dialogos: Faced with the suffering of both peoples—and today, particularly that of the Palestinians—how can the pain of each be heard without erasing that of the other? Where do you see concrete possibilities for dialogue today?

The first rule of peace is very simple: the suffering of one people must never erase that of another. Palestinian suffering must be heard fully and humanely. Israeli suffering must also be heard fully and humanely. We cannot build peace by asking either people to forget its dead, its fears, its traumas, or its history.

The situation remains extremely difficult. In September 2026, the United Nations reported that, despite the ceasefire in Gaza that began in October 2025, violence and serious humanitarian and political problems persist, while conditions in the West Bank have also deteriorated. At the same time, the UN continues to advocate for the creation of two sovereign states—Israel and Palestine—living side by side in peace and security.

For me, a peaceful Palestinian state alongside Israel must be part of the vision for the future, ensuring genuine security for both Israelis and Palestinians, as well as a political framework in which neither side seeks the destruction of the other. Dialogue should begin wherever it is still possible: among educators, women, young people, writers, artists, researchers, municipalities, civil society organizations, and peace movements. We cannot wait for governments to reach an agreement before human beings start talking to one another again.

I-Dialogos: Your commitment extends beyond the Middle East. How do you respond to the wars and tensions in Ukraine and Russia, Sudan, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo? Why does dialogue now seem impossible? How can the United Nations regain its true role?

Ada Aharoni: Every war has its own history and circumstances, and we must be careful not to claim that a single formula can solve them all. Yet there is a common danger: once societies become convinced that force is the only language the other side understands, dialogue becomes nearly impossible. Fear, grief, propaganda, and hatred deepen the divide.

Dialogue does not mean capitulation. Nor does it mean abandoning international law or justice. It means keeping open a path through which violence can ultimately come to an end. The United Nations therefore remains indispensable, yet it needs to be strengthened and reformed. Discussions regarding Security Council reform are ongoing, particularly concerning calls for a system that is more representative, transparent, accountable, and responsive to the entire UN membership. I would like to see the United Nations become far more effective at prevention by acting before wars break out, rather than primarily after thousands of lives have been lost. We devote immense resources to preparing for war; humanity must learn to invest seriously in preparing for peace.

I-Dialogos: The 11th IFLAC World Congress is proposing a global law against war. This may seem utopian, or even naive. How could this idea evolve into something more than just a statement of principle? What would be a realistic first step?

Ada Aharoni: Almost all of humanity’s great strides forward were dismissed as utopian before they became reality. Slavery was once considered inevitable. Colonialism was considered inevitable. In many societies, women’s suffrage was viewed as unrealistic. Why should war be the only institution humanity is not even permitted to imagine moving beyond?

And we are not starting from scratch. Article 2 of the UN Charter already requires states to settle their international disputes by peaceful means and prohibits the threat or use of force inconsistent with the Charter. Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution famously renounces war as a means of settling international disputes.

(Article continued in the column on the right)

(Click here for the original version in French)

Questions related to this article:

Do women have a special role to play in the peace movement?

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IFLAC proposes going much further in the international application of this principle. The first practical step could be the creation of an international group—comprising jurists, diplomats, peace researchers, and civil society representatives—tasked with drafting a genuine Global Convention Against War, then seeking government support and submitting it to the United Nations. A law without institutions is insufficient.

That is why our IFLAC Global Peace Plan also proposes the creation of powerful Ministries of Peace in every country, properly resourced and funded to prevent conflict, promote mediation, and foster peace education. Peace requires institutions, budgets, and professional expertise, just as defense does.

I-Dialogos: In Metz, Pope Leo XIV called for rejecting the current arms race and making dialogue a path to peace. How can citizens of all convictions unite around this goal, and how can we convince deeply opposed governments to talk to one another?

Ada Aharoni: I was deeply interested in the message delivered by Pope Leo XIV in Metz on September 28, 2026. He called for patient dialogue, courage in negotiation, and a willingness to relinquish certain positions for the greater good of peace, while warning against the illusion that rearmament is a solution in itself. This aligns closely with what we advocate at IFLAC.

Peace should not belong to any single religion, political party, or ideology. A Christian, a Muslim, a Jew, a Buddhist, an atheist, or an agnostic can all agree on one very simple thing: our children deserve to live. That is our common starting point.

Governments will not suddenly agree on everything. Dialogue should therefore begin with specific issues where agreement is possible: civilian protection, humanitarian access, exchanges, environmental cooperation, education, trade, water, health, and other shared interests. Small agreements can build trust. Trust can make larger agreements possible. The alternative—refusing to talk until everything is resolved—guarantees that nothing ever will be.

I-Dialogos: I-Dialogos is building a network of correspondents across more than 60 countries. Why not involve Israeli, Palestinian, and regional voices in this? What do you think of this initiative? Could there be a partnership with IFLAC?

Ada Aharoni: Yes, I believe there is natural common ground for cooperation between I-Dialogos and IFLAC. A genuine international dialogue network needs Israeli and Palestinian voices, but these voices must not simply parrot political slogans. People need to listen to one another. For such a network to succeed, I would suggest a few simple principles: no incitement to hatred, no dehumanization, respect for facts, respect for disagreement, equal human dignity, and a genuine willingness to hear things one might not want to hear. Women and young people should also play a major role in these dialogues.

For 26 years, IFLAC has been working to forge connections among writers, researchers, educators, artists, and peace ambassadors across many countries who cherish peace. I would be delighted to explore how this network and I-Dialogos might collaborate. Perhaps I-Dialogos and IFLAC can help demonstrate something our divided world urgently needs to rediscover: Dialogue is not a sign of weakness. Dialogue is an act of courage.

I-Dialogos: Could you help us identify I-Dialogos contacts in Israel, as well as potential Palestinian counterparts or members of the IFLAC network? What initial joint initiative would you propose? What are your thoughts on movements such as “A Land for All”?

Ada Aharoni: Yes. I would be happy to help I-Dialogos connect with the right people in Israel and within IFLAC’s international network, and I would strongly encourage the participation of Palestinian peacebuilders as equal partners in dialogue. I would prefer not to select names hastily. The priority is to identify individuals who genuinely embrace dialogue, non-violence, and the dignity of both peoples.

As a first joint initiative, I propose an IFLAC–I-Dialogos Israeli-Palestinian peace dialogue—perhaps held online—bringing together a small group of Israelis, Palestinians, and international voices committed to peace. Instead of starting by asking, “Who is to blame?”, we could begin with a different question: “What must we do now so that our children do not inherit this war?” »

There are already Israeli-Palestinian initiatives worth examining within the framework of such a dialogue. For instance, “A Land for All” presents itself as a joint Israeli-Palestinian movement proposing two sovereign states within a single shared homeland, featuring cooperation, freedom of movement, and shared institutions. Various peace movements propose different political structures. Rather than declaring in advance that a specific formula is *the* solution, I believe the dialogue should examine which concrete elements can foster mutual recognition, security, freedom, equality, and peaceful coexistence.

I-Dialogos: Are there any other points you consider important and would like to address in conclusion?

Ada Aharoni: Yes. I would like to conclude with the central message of our 11th IFLAC World Congress for Peace: war must be outlawed. World peace is possible. But peace will not come about on its own. That is why, at IFLAC, we have developed a concrete Global Peace Plan based on four core ideas:

1. A global law against war: developing international law so that war is increasingly delegitimized and replaced by mandatory, peaceful dispute-resolution mechanisms.

2. Ministries of Peace in every country: strong, professional, and adequately funded government institutions dedicated to war prevention and peacebuilding.

3. A Global Peace Alliance: uniting peace organizations and the International Peace-Loving Community (IPLC) so that the many separate voices advocating for peace become a powerful global force.

4. When men and women lead together, women should enjoy equal representation—specifically, 50% participation—in the arenas where the most critical political and peace-related decisions are made. For too long, humanity has glorified the waging of war while treating the pursuit of peace with woefully inadequate attention. We know how to build armies, military alliances, and weapons systems; now, we must become just as serious about building peace. That is why I commend I-Dialogos and any sincere initiative that builds bridges between peoples. The great task before us is not merely to end a war; it is to create a world where humanity finally learns to resolve its conflicts without war. This is the challenge to which I have dedicated my life, and I remain convinced that we can meet it.

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The World March for Peace and Nonviolence: An Attempt to Sow and Nurture the Seeds of a Nonviolent Revolution

DISARMAMENT & SECURITY .

An article by Martin Sicard in Pressenza

When we talk about revolution, we often imagine only crowds dramatically—and sometimes violently—flooding the streets, storming symbolic buildings, and so on; but there is a quieter form of revolution that is taking root all over the world, from grassroots movements to initiatives led by certain inspired leaders—and which, of course, is not covered by the mainstream media…

To shed light on all these positive contributions emerging across the globe, in 2009, a quixotic idealist, Rafael de la Rubia, was inspired to propose this seemingly crazy idea: to circle the globe with a World March for Peace and Nonviolence; with the support of Silo and the collaboration of humanist friends from around the world, the 1MM was thus launched with a multicultural team of a dozen people who traveled across different continents, from a symbolic location in New Zealand to Punta de Vacas (Argentina), passing through India under the auspices of Gandhi.

This 93-day journey crossed 97 countries on five continents; it was not so much about physically walking as it was about highlighting, along the way, initiatives promoting peace and nonviolence, or inspiring others to take action in this direction—whether in the fields of culture, education, ecology, or politics—through marches, of course, but also concerts, theme days, and other types of events—both social and cultural.

But how was this accomplished? With what resources? It was carried out entirely independently, without financial support from any institution, without any commercial advertising from multinational corporations, but with occasional collaborations during our events and campaigns depending on the location, so as never to jeopardize our freedom of expression or compromise our positions.

Then came the 2nd and 3rd marches: since that first march had taken place without any major incidents, and with a clear desire to continue spreading these ideals of nonviolence, we considered the possibility of organizing a second one ten years later, in 2019; and so the 2nd March took place, which this time circled the entire globe: starting in Madrid, it returned there 159 days later, after passing through 51 countries and 122 cities. In the meantime, it had inspired a group of women, who took the initiative to organize regional marches in Central and Latin America; we didn’t have to wait ten years for the next one—only five. The third March therefore took place in 2024–2025, starting in Costa Rica (the country that abolished its army by proclaiming world peace) and returning there as well. All these marches followed the same criteria, while adapting part of the initial theme to the specific locations and times.



And today? Here we are!

Given the global situation marked by a proliferation of conflicts—which further complicates travel—and where the economic constraints associated with organizing an international route weighed heavily, it was decided to change the format: a march would be organized in each city, that is, between the symbolic dates of September 21, International Day of Peace, and October 2, International Day of Nonviolence—give or take a day.


To the best of our knowledge, to date, the 4th “In My City” March has taken place in more than 200 cities across various continents, which have organized activities such as marches, human symbols, and cultural events. Among the countries participating are: Nepal, Bangladesh, India, and the Philippines in Asia; Colombia, Argentina, Brazil, and Ecuador in the Americas; Italy, Spain, France, Denmark, and Greece in Europe; Senegal and Benin in Africa…

The goal is to reach 1,000 cities, continuing this effort every year until 2029 to celebrate the 20th anniversary of the first World March; that is, every year during these days, activities will take place in as many cities as possible around the world. We’ve shifted from a geographic route to organizing as many simultaneous events as possible to send a message to the whole world; we understand, of course, that for this to have an impact, communication is essential…

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(Click here for the article in French or click here for the article in Spanish.)

Question for this article:

The World March for Peace and Nonviolence: What is its history and its effects?

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What has the World March achieved and continues to facilitate?

On the one hand, opening doors at various levels to convey our approach:
To people who wield influence in their respective circles—whether cultural figures, intellectuals, or politicians—who have received the March’s delegation or participated in events and forums.

Also at the level of international institutions and organizations with which we continue to collaborate, such as Mayors for Peace, the WILPF, the Nobel Peace Prize Laureates Summit, Peace Boat, the ICAN campaign for the prohibition of nuclear weapons, the “United Religions” Initiative, the Earth Federation, among others, thereby expanding our networks and opportunities…

Education: In schools, we encouraged the creation of workshops, the organization of theme days, and the formation of human symbols of peace and nonviolence; these symbols, also created on many other occasions, served as a playful way to raise awareness about the meaning of peace, on the one hand, and nonviolence, on the other. It was also proposed to embrace an ethical commitment never to use one’s acquired knowledge to harm another human being.

Universities: The experience of the March has significantly fostered encounters with and among universities from different countries and continents, gradually creating relationships and opportunities for collaboration, hence the idea of building an international network of universities for peace and active nonviolence. In the case of Italy, it is worth highlighting the collaboration with the University of Perugia, where a meeting was held bringing together more than 40 university presidents and where a memorandum of understanding is currently being drafted, as well as with the United Nations University for Peace, which was originally headquartered in Costa Rica and is now based in Rome. Universities can play a fundamental role as centers for education, research, and the production of knowledge.

Culture: Openness toward other cultures and between them through concerts and exhibitions featuring artists sharing some of their works. Also, “the simple fact of knowing that there are people elsewhere, all over the planet, who are also working for peace and nonviolence encourages us to continue acting with hope.” Indeed, highlighting actions that generally receive no support and are not covered by the media opens the minds of people who, all too often, believe that their problem with violence is unique to them—as are the possible solutions.

To deepen our understanding of what nonviolence truly means and to apply its methodology in daily life.

Not to mention that the 1st World March led to the creation of Pressenza, the international humanist news agency now active in many countries.

In conclusion, it is important to highlight a key theme, a core concept of this march. This involves encouraging the digital and geographic expansion of any initiative in support of peace and nonviolence: inviting any individual or group to replicate and amplify any action, thanks to the connections made through the march. For example: a choir from City X connects with another to create a network of 1,000 choirs for peace; to facilitate the proliferation of human symbols, a guide has been written in several languages so that it can be replicated anywhere and on any scale.

The idea is to step outside our comfort zone to broaden and amplify the impact of what we do—in terms of scale, number, and locations—by creating these networks of nonviolence. To go beyond calls for peace and pacifism, which demand an end to wars, and move toward establishing a true culture of nonviolence.

So yes, we continue to take action because we believe and feel that the effort is worth it.

https://theworldmarch.org/
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What has happened this year (2026) for the International Day of Peace

FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION
This year we found 821 actions, including 366 actions carried out in 22 countries of Europe and 121 in 8 countries that were once part of the Soviet Union. We link to 127 actions in 9 of the 10 Canadian provinces and 46 of the 50 states of the United States. There are 94 actions cited in 18 countries of Asia and the Pacific, 59 from 14 Latin American and Caribbean countries, 33 from 19 African countries, and 22 from 12 Arab and Middle Eastern countries. See the CPNN bulletin for October for a synopsis.

Detailed data may be found on the following CPNN articles:

Europe: International Day of Peace

Ex-Soviet Countries: International Day of Peace

United States and Canada: International Day of Peace

Asia and Pacific: International Day of Peace

Arab and Middle Eastern States: International Day of Peace

Latin America and Caribbean: International Day of Peace

Africa: International Day of Peace

Who Cares About Development?

.. SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT ..

A blog by Briony Jones reprinted by permission.

I have just finished reading Wendy Harcourt’s book Conundrums of Care: Feminist Entanglements in Critical Development Studies. Over the last few weeks, I have been snatching moments at airports and after early morning school runs to journey through her personal stories, activist experiences, and academic reflections. Snatching these moments and giving them to myself has been a joyous act of self-care. It has also been an opportunity to spend time on a question which currently occupies me at work and at home: who cares about development?


International Development is in crisis. As has been widely discussed in the news, the sector is currently facing crippling funding shortages  and a legitimacy deficit  which leave many wondering whether it is worth saving at all. As multilateralism strains under the pressure of Trump 2.0, and populist politics polarises local and global communities, many critical development studies scholars, such as me, are left wondering what the development project of the future should be. And if we should have one at all.

In February 2025 the recently established UK Charity Diversity in Development published its evidence review A Profession for the Privileged? Towards a More Inclusive International Development Sector. The numbers are stark. Only 22 percent of staff in the former UK Government Department for International Development came from lower socioeconomic backgrounds, and 64 percent of international development students at UK universities have parents in the highest two occupational categories. Many development organisations simply do not collect data on socioeconomic inclusion. A profession for the privileged indeed.

The Diversity in Development report findings are sadly not a surprise. Research has told us that international development professionals too often occupy an ‘aidland’ of self-designated experts moving quickly from one place to another. In doing so they displace other locally positioned knowledge in favour of neocolonial solutions intricately connected with global trade and geopolitics. In response, the last decade has seen an important, sustained, and challenging conversation about the ways in which development can be decolonised.

(Continued in right column)

Question for this article:

How can international development be transformed to promote a culture of peace?

(Continued from left column)

Decolonising development is not a task for the fainthearted. It is not tinkering around the edges with reforms. It requires profound structural transformation and a tearing out of its roots. A 2024 exhibition at the Musée d’ethnographie de Genève  laid bare the co-constitutive relationship between colonial violence and the founding of humanitarianism. If International Development is, as some have said, founded on the very dichotomies it seeks to overcome, why care about its potential demise?

We might care because it is possible to see the current crisis in the International Development sector as an opportunity to do things better. We can learn from Sweden’s push for feminist foreign policy. We can learn from the Spanish Agency for International Development Cooperation’s increase of development aid focused on equitable partnership and responsibility. We can learn from countless efforts  by people themselves to advocate for equal treatment and dignity.

For me, International Development is the belief in a collective effort to ensure that we can all live lives of dignity. We need to do this through dismantling historical structures of oppression which continue to live on in political and economic systems. We need to do this by redistributing the resources that only some of us accumulate, so that we may all benefit from them. International Development is a belief that the lives of others we may never meet are of equal value to our own. It is a project of care.

Feminists have long articulated the power of an ethics of care  which emphasises mutual connectedness of human life, and the deep connection between the personal and the structural. Recently, arguments have been made for an ethics of care to inform global citizenship. This moves firmly away from any sense of care as inherently soft, feminine, or personal, and towards care as a political and powerful stance against inequality and injustice. 

If International Development were to have care as its central organising idea the current situation would look very different. We would be asking how to address the wage differentials between ‘international’ and ‘local’ staff, how to support the emotional labour and trauma of development professionals  which feed toxic work cultures, and we would be doing a lot more listening than telling. As Wendy Harcourt puts it, it is through connecting more deeply with care that development can “challenge and change destructive economic and environmental practices of capitalist development processes”.

We should all care about development. We should care about who benefits and who loses from the current crisis of climate, economy, and multilateral politics. We should care about the continued human suffering and indignity caused by the way we organise ourselves politically, economically, and geographically. Most of all we should care about how the sector could be transformed to foster a global ethics of care.

 
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Interview wth Aleida Guevara

. . WOMEN’S EQUALITY . .

Excerpts from an interview by Andrea Duffour in investigaction.net

The daughter of Ernesto “Che” Guevara, Aleida Guevara is a pediatrician and a committed figure of the Cuban Revolution. In this interview, she discusses the particularly difficult situation Cuba is facing due to the US blockade, as well as conflicts in the Middle East and her own concept of resistance.

She advocates a perspective on Hamas and Hezbollah that is radically opposed to the one prevailing in many Western countries, while calling for greater solidarity with the Palestinian, Lebanese, and Iranian peoples.

Finally, Aleida Guevara addresses the role of the “Global South” and the need—as she sees it—for its peoples to unite in order to build “a fairer world for all.”


Photo from a BBC article from 1986

Andrea Duffour: … You often emphasize that internationalism is not the “exporting of revolution,” but an ethical duty that asks for nothing in return. You yourself have been to Angola and many other countries as a pediatrician…

What is your message to the peoples of Palestine, Lebanon, and Iran…?

Aleida Guevara: “It is very easy to send a message to the peoples of Lebanon, Iran, and Palestine from afar. The message must be clear: standing by their side.

That is the true message.” My father [Che] used to say that solidarity does not simply consist of raising or lowering a thumb, as spectators in Roman circuses did. No. Solidarity means living the life of a people who need solidarity.

That is why, while it is easy to speak words, one must take action.

We must break this brutal blockade against Palestine. We must finally make people around the world aware of what is happening in Lebanon and Iran. It is shameful that people turn their backs on this reality.

How many children, how many women, how many human beings die every day because a raving mad president arrogates to himself the right to end the life of a people? What does this mean? How is it possible? Truly, there is no message more powerful or beautiful than being there, alongside these peoples. That is what we need: to be close to these peoples so we can help them in the situation they are going through.”

AD: The current situation in Cuba is worse than ever and also deserves more concrete international solidarity. The United States is strangling your people, attempting by every means to break your resistance, which has lasted for 67 years.

(Article continued in the column on the right)

(Click here for the original version in French)

Questions related to this article:

Do women have a special role to play in the peace movement?

(Article continued from the column on the left)

Could you describe the current situation for us and tell us what peoples and governments possessing a shred of dignity can do to support you—you who are fighting on the front lines alongside the Axis of Resistance and Iran (a country that has also been under blockade for two generations…)?

Aleida Guevara: “The situation in Cuba is very difficult. The blockade that the United States has maintained for decades is becoming crueler by the day, as it is now a very active blockade that primarily affects everything related to energy in the country. It keeps practically everything out. . . .

AD: What would an ideal world look like, according to your philosophy?

Aleida Guevara: “What would an ideal world look like? First of all, I want to point out that I am a pediatrician. Therefore, for me, an ideal world is one where children grow up in total happiness, where they can enjoy every second of their lives, where there are no diseases capable of killing a human being simply because we failed to prevent them.

A world where everyone has the opportunity to study whenever they wish, at whatever time they choose. A world where everyone has housing, sharing their lives with companions and friends, [where] solidarity flourishes among all our peoples. That is the ideal world for me: a world without war, a world of peace.

But a peace with dignity. That is very important to keep in mind. I do not want peace without dignity. Consequently, an ideal world must be one where men and women flourish as human beings and have the full capacity to say: Long live life!” . . .

AD: Could you share your thoughts on the struggles of the Global South?

Aleida Guevara: “The struggle of the Global South is an expression—a way of speaking—for the peoples who do not experience that opulence known as industrial development, which is enjoyed by a portion of humanity—specifically Europe, the United States, and Canada.

We who do not live this reality—we who are the raw material consumed so that these countries may continue to grow rich—we are what is known as the Global South. The struggle of the Global South must begin with the unity of our peoples.

Without unity among us, we will lack the strength to put an end to this reality; to stop these governments from continuing to exploit our resources, plunder our lands, and devastate humanity.

In this sense, unity is the key.

If we fail to overcome the hardships and absurdities facing so many human beings, we cannot find the strength needed to change this reality—to change this world—and to create a world that is fairer for all; a world where everyone has the right to a fulfilling life, good health, a comprehensive education, and a roof over their heads; where we can feel the joy of the wind blowing around us, knowing we can feed our children every day and care for our elders with all the love and tenderness they deserve.

For this, unity is essential. If we do not break down the barriers that divide us—those that have kept us in this situation for centuries—and if we fail to tear down these walls, we will not be able to build a different world for us all.

The struggle of the Global South is the struggle of humanity.

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United Nations: Annual High-Level Forum on the Culture of Peace

FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION

The annual High Level Forum on the Culture of Peace was held on September 2 at United Nations Headquarters in New York.

The UN has published a transcript and video of the Forum, but we have not found a general article from the UN about the event since it occurred.

We have published here four important speeches to the Forum by:

General Assembly President Annalena Baerbock

Nobel Peace Laureate Leymah Gbowee

Representative of the European Union (name not provided)

Ambassador Anwarul Chowdhury


Shown in this frame from the video, from left to right, Ambassador Anwarul Chowdhury, Elizabeth Spehar (Assistant Secretary-General for the Peacebuilding and Peace Support Office), General Assembly President Annalena Baerbock, the Secretary for the event and Nobel Peace Laureate Leymah Gbowee

Question(s) related to this article:

What is the United Nations doing for a culture of peace?

It was Ambassador Chowdhury who inspired the High Level Forum, beginning in 2012, to continue the mission of the 1999 Declaration and Programme of Action on a Culture of peace. The document was submitted to the UN at that time by UNESCO, and it was Ambassador Chowdhury who was responsible for the process of its adoption by the UN General Assembly. When he was the Bangladesh representative to the UN Security Council in 2001, he introduced Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security

The theme this year was “Women’s Leadership to promote a Culture of Peace”

Many delegations said that their countries are implementing national action plans on UN Security Council Resolution 13 25 on women peace and security. This included the delegations from Kazakhstan, Morocco, Germany, Algeria, Nigeria, Bahrain, Sierra Leone, Portugal, Senegal, Kyrgyzstan, Armenia, Tunisia and Mexico.

The representative from Angola said that his country will organize later this year on 22 and 23rd of October, the Luanda Biennale, the Pan African Forum for the Culture of Peace and Nonviolence. Previous editions of the Biennale may be found here.

The representative from the EU confirmed their support for the culture of peace, which is of special importance because prior to 2024 they did not support it.

Until 2023 the Forum brought together representatives of the civil society along with UN delegations to debate the culture of peace, as described CPNN articles listed here. Since 2023 then it has been restricted to UN delegations.

Ironically, as one may read in the transcript and hear on the video, the delegations of Israel and Russia claimed that their countries are promoting a culture of peace. No mention was made during the Forum to the ongoing genocide and wars involving the United States, Israel, Russia, Ukraine and Iran. The United States, Ukraine and Iran did not take part in the Forum.

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United Nations: Remarks by the President of the General Assembly at the High-level Forum on the Programme of Action on a Culture of Peace

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A publication of the United Nations

Remarks by H.E. Annalena Baerbock, President of the 80th Session of the United Nations General Assembly at the High-level Forum on the Programme of Action on a Culture of Peace on Wednesday, 2 September 2026,

[As Delivered]

Excellencies,

Ladies and gentlemen,
 
80 years ago, our United Nations was created with the express purpose of saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war.
 
Yet our founding mothers and fathers had the wisdom, foresight, and especially experience to know that peace is more than the absence of war.
 
Therefore, they sought to build an institution not focused narrowly on peace and security, but upon the mutually reinforcing pillars of human rights, sustainable development, and peace and security.
 
So while today some call for the United Nations to go “back to basics,” we should remember that the pursuit of a just, sustainable, and lasting peace is, indeed, one of our basics.

It is embedded in the very foundations of this Organization.


Frame from UN video

 
And it lies at the heart of the Culture of Peace: the conviction that lasting peace requires replacing violence with dialogue, division with mutual understanding and cooperation, and exclusion with participation.
 
Since the adoption of the Declaration and Programme of Action on a Culture of Peace in 1999, at the initiative of Bangladesh, this Assembly has continued to advance that vision of a more peaceful, just, and inclusive world.
 
Central to this effort is the full, equal, meaningful, and safe participation of women in peace processes.
 
That is why the theme of this year’s High-Level Forum—”Women’s Leadership to promote a Culture of Peace”—could not be more important and timley.
 
Including women at every stage of the peace process is not just a “nice to have”.
 
It is not doing a favour to women.
 
It is not even simply a matter of fairness.
 
It is fundamentally a question of whether peace succeeds.
 
Research has shown that when women participate meaningfully in peace processes, the probability of an agreement lasting at least two years increases by 20 per cent and the probability of conflict returning is reduced by 37 per cent.
 
That is because women bring the experiences, knowledge, and priorities of half the world’s population to the negotiation table. The society approach.
 
They broaden negotiations beyond the conduct of war and armed actors to the communities and people that are affected by it.

And they raise issues that create the conditions for peace to firmly take root—from conflict-related sexual violence and access to justice to economic opportunity and political participation at all levels.
 
Or as the women I who I met at the front lines told me: if women are safe, everyone is safe.
 
Because when more voices and perspectives are included when shaping peace, the outcome will better reflect the realities of the people who will benefit from it, and peace will be more likely to endure.

(article continued in right column)

Question(s) related to this article:

What is the United Nations doing for a culture of peace?

(article continued from left column)
 
History has given us powerful examples of women’s role in peace.
 
In Colombia, women-led advocacy helped ensure that the landmark 2016 agreement between the Government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces addressed critical issues, such as victims’ rights, land access, and conflict-related sexual violence.
 
And in Liberia, Christian and Muslim women came together across religious and social divides to pray, organize, and demonstrate for peace.
 
Through the Women of Liberia Mass Action for Peace, they pushed political leaders and armed actors towards peace by bringing their demands directly to the negotiating process in Accra.
 
I am therefore especially honoured that today we are joined by Ms. Leymah Gbowee, Nobel Peace Prize Laureate and one of the pioneering leaders of that movement, to learn from your experience.
 
Ms. Gbowee’s unwavering bravery and tenacity to mobilize communities and demand accountability is not simply an inspiration to admire from afar…it is a rallying call to give women the power to shape peace in every conflict.
 
This Assembly has affirmed that principle time and again.
 
The 2025 Review of the United Nations Peacebuilding Architecture recognized that the full, equal, meaningful, and safe participation of women at all decision-making levels in conflict resolution is key to achieving durable solutions and long-term stability.
 
The Architecture recognizes the role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts, in peacebuilding, and in building critical foundations for promoting a culture of peace.
 
Ladies and gentlemen,
 
Our commitments are clear.

The history speaks for itself.

And the data is unequivocal.
 
Yet there remains a profound gap between what we know and what we are doing.
 
At a time when the number of armed conflicts is at a record high, too many negotiating tables still exclude the women that hold the keys to unlocking peace.
 
Frankly speaking, you only have to look at the most recent photos or media coverage of the latest peace negotiations, where there are hardly any women in the room.
 
And also frankly speaking, if we also look at regular governmental consultations these days, so often there is not a single woman present.
 
And even in teams programming the next AI algorithm – even when we know that AI will play a crucial role in the conflicts of the future – still they are not designed with the voices of women.
 
So it doesn’t only start at the end, at the peace negotiation table.
 
It starts here today, in our own meetings, in our own CEO set ups, in our own culture.
 
As said, this is not only a question of injustice, it is a missed opportunity for sustained peace, to leave women out of the group.
 
If we are serious about fulfilling the promise made 80 years ago to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, then our commitments must be matched by our actions.
 
A Culture of Peace is not an abstract aspiration, it is a choice every one of us makes every day throughout societies.

And it is our collective responsibility to build societies…

Where we uphold the principles of the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Where we safeguard justice and dignity for all.

And where we ensure that women are not observers of peace, but are actively building it. Because if women are safe, everyone is safe.
 
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