Continuation of Syriza, Podemos, Nouvelle Donne. The alternative to the Europe of Draghi-Macron

(continued from main article)

Syriza

Vangelis Goulas, a member of Syriza, explained to us that his party is the product of the anti-globalization struggles and was not born yesterday. It first took part in parliamentary elections in 2004, the result of an electoral alliance of several parties of the left, which was already initiated for the local elections in 2002. In 2006, nothing significant came out of municipal elections and its position was unclear. Syriza, allied to the communist movement KOE in 2007, exceeded 5% in the parliamentary elections and received 14 seats, mainly in large cities. The involvement of youth increased after 2008 when Syriza supported the protests following the death of a 15 year old boy killed by a policeman.

That brings us to 2010, the year of the so-called ‘”support” of Europe to Greece. “In exchange for great sacrifices,” as headlined La Tribune of May 3, 2010. A memorandum was signed between the Troika and Greece. “I signed it without reading it,” confessed the Greek Development Minister Michalis Chrisochoïdis, the Greek equivalent of our Michel Sapin.

Then the situation accelerates while it degrades.
Syriza becomes in 2012 the first force on the left in anticipation of the elections. It’s a force both contentious and constructive, offering alternative solutions. But the right wing makes an alliance with PASOK and Democratic Left to continue to please the program of the Troika.

Comes the parliamentary elections of 2015. Syriza, after good work of political education, won with an anti-austerity program. Alexis Tsipras was appointed Prime Minister.

Next questions:
What is Syriza today?
A country like Greece can it be sovereign?

With regard to the sovereignty of Greece, as in any other country in Europe today, we must recognize that the European policy of austerity has more weight than any national forces. Albeit in different terms, the Institutions (the new name of the Troika) weigh equally on Tsipras in Greece and Valls in France.

This allows us to read in La Tribune of March 24: “What is important for Berlin as in Brussels, it is primarily to hide this strategy of the “noose” which lets the Greek patient suffocate more and more until he is ready to do whatever is asked of him.”

And read in La Croix January 26: “It is clear that France must redouble its efforts, whether at the level of budgetary reforms or structural reforms,” ​​according to the Vice President of the European Commission responsible for the euro, Valdis Dombrovskis”.

Except that the Greeks have chosen, says Vangelis Goulas, to decide their future and speak louder. And to maintain an anti-austerity and humanitarian policy.

There is a risk, for sure. The European oligarchy, represented by Mario Draghi, former European President for Goldman Sachs and President of the ECB, has as its main objective, not to save Greece but to preserve the interests of the banks. This was done once already when part of the Greek debt was passed off to the State banks.

Mario Draghi also does not hesitate to ask the Greek banks to stop buying Greek treasury bonds, to force the hand of Athens which might otherwise be a bad example of democracy in Europe. This shows the inhuman side of those who serve finance first. They don’t care about the consequences of their decisions on the Greek people.

Vangelis Goulas tells us that as a result of the disturbed international situation in the East and the Middle East, Greece finds himself having to manage an important flow of clandestine migration, as must also Italy. This is a question that Europe, which is always giving lessons to the countries of the South, refuses to put on its agenda.

Podemos. Ganemos. Indignados movement.
Spain. “This is not a crisis, it’s a scam.”

In Spain, the economic situation is not exactly the same as in Greece, but it has the same dramatic consequences for the population.

The country was given as an example just before the 2008 crisis, which did not prevent the housing bubble, actively supported by the banks to collapse. Large construction projects, always linked to a major corruption of elected officials, were stopped just like that. So the banks had to be saved. In this case, as always, “it was necessary to save the system.” And the only ones who benefited, here as elsewhere, were the financial and political oligarchy.

Next the public deficit explodes. An austerity plan is put in place by the leftwing government. Evictions increase. Unemployment rises to 25%. Unemployment for those under 25 explodes to 50%. In 2011 the rightwing won the elections.

The Spanish have calculated that 168 billion euros have been stolen from them by successive governments in tax fraud (80 billion), money given to banks (36 billion), to the church (10 billion), in the interests of the debt (39 billion), etc. Compare the sums given to the health budget which in 2013 was $ 3.8 billion, education which was 1.9 billion, and employment 26 billion.

Last part of article:

It is on this ground that the great movement of the Spanish indignados developed, (Los Indignados, emulating Stephane Hessel), also known as M15, which occupied for several weeks the Puerta Sol in Madrid in 2011. An assemblyiste movement non-violent, multiplied to many regions.

Ruben Borlado, member of the M15 and Ganemos a movement of social transformation, traced its history for us. It’s a history that was never able, and never wanted to establish a political party. Instead, it has kept going strong, but in different ways. As Ruben emphasized, they preferred to speak in their own voices as social activists, rather than allow others to speak for them.

Thus a multitude of local movements have developed, involving, under various names and networks, the defense of people who have been expelled, by organizing marches and participating in municipal elections.

As was done by Ganemos in Zaragoza and some other cities. And as was done by Podemos side, which does not always present itself under its own flag but under those of associated movements.

Podemos.

It was in January 2014 that Podemos was created to give a political arm for the M15 movement of Puerta Del sol. Its initiators were Spanish intellectuals fringe, partly coming from the university, some professors of economics and political science.

First attempt, it met success in the European elections. Podemos exceeded 10% of the vote in some parts of Spain, and obtained a national average of 8% with 5 elected to Parliament in Strasbourg. It was like a cannon shot across the bow of Spanish politics and other European countries.

Marco Albert of Podemos, explained to us that because of its heterogeneous start with the Indignados of 15 May, there were no simple answers to the situation and therefore it was difficult to manage,. Therefore, besides the above ingredients released by Eric Alt of Nouvelle Donne, it should be understood that the success of Podemos was due to a subtle blend of tactics, not agreed upon by everyone, such as participatory financing and organizational practices deemed essential to fight on the electoral front.

There was a struggle between the “movement trend” and the “organizational trend”, the latter being led by the young and already famous Pablo Iglesias, and it was he who won. He insists that social transformation requires changing the State. This requires both a struggle against corruption involving both the rightwing and the leftwing (1700 cases are under investigation), and a cultural struggle, agreeing in all respects with our friend, the Sicilian judge Scarpinato.

Networks, communication, intellectual mobility.

Among other factors contributing to the success of Podemos we should mention:

First of its position above the left-right divide, replacing it with the division between the “people above” and the 
”people below”.

And then, the battle of communication led by Pablo Iglesias, in his own talk show on a local university Madrid channel ”The Tuerka”, which is then picked up and distributed by other channels.

And it is certainly its networking with hundreds of local clubs, associations, participatory movements, large movements of “social Tides” held on the topics of health, of education, of the deportees, the insecurity of retirees, defense of water as a public resource, which ensures a permanent link that moves at level of the citizens.

Finally, we must recognize the communication ability of Pablo Iglesias which enables him to appropriate sensitive news topics, to the point of being considered by some as a populist.

This is not an insult when it comes from those whose policy is to maintain people in a state of conditioned fear: fear of job loss, fear of losing their housing, fear of insecurity, fear of standing out, fear of the other, neighbor or immigrants. Reflexes created by what Naomi Klein calls “The Shock Strategy”.

Additional information.

Eric Alt gave the floor at the end of meeting to Sophie Wahnich, who came to present the French association “Interdemos: From people to people”, an initiative to raise funds to demonstrate the solidarity of the French and European peoples with Greece in the critical moment experienced by the country.

Circle Podemos Paris.
http://podemosparis.com/blog/
http://podemosparis.com/quienes-somos/que-es-un-circulo-podemos/

Syriza in Paris
http://syriza-fr.org

Nouvelle Donne

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Syriza, Podemos, Nouvelle Donne. The alternative to the Europe of Draghi-Macron

. SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT .

from the blog of Bernard Leon (reprinted by permission of the author)

[Note for non-French readers: Mario Draghi is the President of the European Central Bank, while Emmanuel Macron is the French Economy Minister.]

France

Representatives of two young political parties Podemos (Spain) and Syriza (Greece) met Friday, March 27 at the Maison des Mines in Paris to discuss their feedback with activists of Nouvelle Donne who share with them the same desire for an alternative to the political parties, both of the right and of the left, who have lost their democratic identity throughout Europe.

The results of the second round of departmental elections in France reflect the comments of the anti-Mafia Judge Roberto Scarpinato, who wrote in 2008 in “The Return of the Prince” (Contre Allée Editions), “People everywhere perceive and experience in their own flesh the pressure of social suffering that is growing day by day . . . That’s why political power today has no social respect.” Eric Alt, on behalf of Nouvelle Donne, opened the evening to a young and attentive audience, by recalling the principles that were used by Pablo Iglesias, the leader of Podemos, to carry out their work.

– No more pessimism, which is always an excuse to do nothing.

– Show courage. Have no fear to call a spade a spade. To call Macron an oligarch. Keep in mind his statement earlier this year: “We need young people who want to be billionaires,” had he told Les Echos. To the dismay of some socialists.

– Show your pride and audacity. These two qualities were the basis for the great popular movement marches called the “Tides” in Spain, as well as the events of 18 March in Frankfurt on the occasion of the inauguration of the new headquarters of the ECB, a building that costs 1.3 billion euros, to protest against the austerity imposed by the EU institutions: the ECB, the IMF, and the Commission.

– Change the look of politics which shows a “Potemkin facade,” a true optical illusion that hides a vacuum inside.

– Show empathy for our fellow man. Rise up to the level of the people. Listen to what Rosanvallon calls “the parliament of the invisibles”.

A red thread connects the three parties, Spanish, Greek and French, but in a different temporality, that of the need to free ourselves individually and collectively from the powers that control us. This implies, and I quote again Roberto Scarpinato “a deconstruction process of cultural imposititions that permeate our lives from an early age.” This requires change and Podemos and Syriz should help us.

Let’s get started. Where do Syriza and Podemos come from? Where are they now? Where are they going and where are we going? What can we imagine today that can be possible tomorrow?

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(click here for the original French version)

Question for this article:

Movements against governmental fiscal austerity, are they part of the global movement for a culture of peace?

Readers’ comments are invited on this question.

Syriza, Podemos, Nouvelle Donne. L’alternative à l’Europe des Draghi-Macron

. . DEVELOPPEMENT DURABLE . .

un article par Bernard Leon (reproduit avec permission de l’auteur)

Les représentants des deux jeunes partis politiques, Podemos (Espagne) et Syriza (Grèce) se sont retrouvés vendredi 27 mars à la Maison des Mines à Paris, pour échanger sur leurs retours d’expérience avec les militants de Nouvelle Donne, porteurs avec eux de la même volonté d’alternative à ces partis de droite et de gauche qui ont perdu un peu partout en Europe leur identité démocratique.

France

Car, et les résultats du deuxième tour des départementales le montrent, partout, comme l’écrivait en 2008, le Juge antimafia Roberto Scarpinato, dans « Le retour du prince » (Editions de la Contre Allée),  « Partout, les gens perçoivent et éprouvent dans leur propre chair la pression d’une souffrance sociale qui s’accroit de jour en jour ». Et, continue-t-il « C’est bien la raison pour laquelle le pouvoir ne jouit plus, désormais, d’aucun respect social ».

Eric Alt, au nom de Nouvelle Donne, a ouvert la soirée devant une salle jeune et attentive, en rappelant les ingrédients qui ont servi à Pablo Iglesias, le chef de file de Podemos, de mener à bien son action.

– En finir avec le pessimisme, qui est toujours une excuse pour ne rien faire.

– Montrer de la résolution. N’avoir pas peur en conséquence d’appeler un chat un chat. Et Macron un oligarque. En se souvenant de sa déclaration de début d’année. « Il faut des jeunes qui aient envie d’être milliardaire », avait-t-il confié aux Echos. A la grande consternation de quelques socialistes.

– Afficher de la fierté et de l’audace. Deux qualités qui ont été à la base des grands défilés populaires dénommées le mouvement des « Marées » en Espagne, comme des manifestations du 18 mars à Francfort, à l’occasion de l’inauguration du nouveau siège de la BCE, un bâtiment de 1,3 milliards d’euros, pour protester contre le diktat de l’austérité imposé par les institutions européennes : la BCE, le FMI, la Commission.

– Changer le regard sur la politique. Laquelle nous montre des « façades Potemkine », un véritable trompe l’œil qui cache un vide à investir.

– Montrer de l’empathie pour nos semblables. Savoir se mettre à la hauteur des gens. Ecouter « le parlement des invisibles », selon l’expression de Rosanvallon.
 
Un fil rouge relie les trois partis, espagnol, grec, français, mais dans une temporalité différente, celui de la nécessité de sortir de ce que le pouvoir fait de nous, de nous libérer personnellement et collectivement, ce qui implique, et je cite encore Roberto Scarpinato : « un processus de déstructuration des impostures culturelles qui imprègnent nos vies dès le plus jeune âge ». Cela suppose de changer comme indiqué ci dessus « notre regard ». Podemos et Syriza devraient nous y aider.

Préliminaire. D‘où viennent Syriza et Podemos ? Où en sont ils ? Où vont ils,  où allons nous ? Quels possibles peut-on imaginer aujourd’hui ?

Pendant très longtemps, beaucoup de latino-américains regardaient l’Europe avec

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(cliquez ici pour une traduction en anglais)

Question for this article:

Movements against governmental fiscal austerity, are they part of the global movement for a culture of peace?

Readers’ comments are invited on this question.

Frances Fox Piven on Syriza and Greece’s Prospects for Fighting Austerity

. SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT .

An article by Alexandros Orphanides, In These Times (reprinted by permission)

Frances Fox Piven may be America’s foremost scholar in social movement politics. Her landmark book, Poor People’s Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail, published in 1977 and coauthored with her late husband Richard Cloward, provides an analysis of the role social movements can play in bringing about reforms through their disruptive power. Throughout her career, Piven has worked both in the lecture hall and with grassroots organizations to further the causes of social justice and to explore questions of how “power can be exerted from the lower reaches.”

PivenClick on photo to enlarge

Photo by Thierry Ehrmann / Flickr

As a scholar, Piven’s work has focused on social movements in American history, but has often kept a global perspective. She has done extensive research on the Solidarity movement in Poland and the Zapatista movement in Mexico and has been a keen observer of recent developments in Europe, where mass mobilizations have been successful in shifting the political landscapes in Greece and Spain. Despite this, and in the context of an economic crisis, the margins of global capital have limited Syriza’s ability to effectively implement reforms in Greece. Piven sat down with In These Times to discuss Syriza and the potential for change.

When you first heard that Syriza stood poised to win the elections in Greece, what were your immediate thoughts?

I’ve followed the developments in Greece, especially since the development of Syriza, for several years now. And I’ve always been enthused by the fact that unlike a lot of American leftists, Syriza doesn’t say there are two different tracks—there are political parties and then there are movements. Instead, they work together. Although in an immediate sense, movements can make trouble for someone who is running for an election—because they are disorderly and noisy and disruptive. But if you step back a little, I think you see a dynamic in which movements can create space for a political party, especially a political party of the left.

Now everybody is waiting—breathlessly, I think—because a completely different set of dilemmas has emerged. And that dilemma has not so much to do with Syriza but with the ability of a nation-state, especially of a small nation-state, and its elected political rulers to determine its own economic policy in a very interconnected and global world, in which the centers of financial power are very ominous and powerful. And in which the nation-state, particularly in Europe, has lost power because of the growth of supranational structures like the Eurozone, the European Central Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and so on.

I think that the effort by these institutions and the German banks to resist Syriza’s demands for a larger haircut, a larger reduction of the debt, will be greater because the model of Syriza is so promising: They have taken this strong political initiative, standing with the country’s social movements, but also allowing them autonomy.

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Question for this article:

Movements against governmental fiscal austerity, are they part of the global movement for a culture of peace?

Readers’ comments are invited on this question.

(continued from left side of page)

Once they were elected, Syriza had a few mandates. One was to renegotiate the debt, another was to release Greece from the conditions of austerity that had very high social costs, another was to keep Greece in the eurozone. Some felt those two were diametrically opposed, others thought they weren’t. Once the negotiations began, as you described, there was a lot of resistance from the Troika. Is there an escape from that paradigm?
Well, we don’t know. The idea that Greece has no room for maneuver, no room to fight back, is wrong. Some people would point to the success with which Argentina resisted the demands of the International Monetary Fund and foreign creditors in the early 2000s. Argentina won. And not only did it win, but the United States allowed it to win. So a lot of it depends on German national policy and U.S. national policy. Credit to Syriza, though, because it’s really striking out an unfamiliar path.

If in a system like Greece or Spain, a group of social movements win an election as a coalition and ascend to political power (if not economic power), can a nation-state almost become a social movement, at least in the context of the European Union? Can it disrupt institutionalized cooperation the way a social movement might?

I would be very surprised. I think that there’s a dynamic that characterizes political parties in an electoral system, a dynamic that characterizes movements, and a dynamic that characterizes actors that are already in positions of state power. And these dynamics are different, but they’re occasionally complementary.

Anybody who is running for an election wants to win enough votes to take the seat for which she or he is campaigning. To do that, they tend to be conciliatory; they don’t want to make any enemies. They want to win just enough to get over the electoral barrier. They tend to be consensual, they tend to not want to make trouble. They want to keep everyone that voted for them last time and add the few more that they need to get over the hump.

Movements are very different. They are dynamic. How they grow, how they succeed is very different. Protest movements in particular do two things. They identify issues that politicians want to ignore, because the politicians want to paste together a coalition that can win. Movement leaders, on the other hand, want to identify the issues that can mobilize people. They don’t care about voting, because we don’t know a movement exists by the number of votes it can get—we know by how many people it can pull into the streets. So movement leaders are attracted to contentious issues that make trouble for the parties.

And movements often have a capacity for disruption, for withdrawing cooperation, for bringing things to a halt, for various kinds of strike actions. Parties don’t do that. But when movements do that, it adds to their communicative strength. And it can also create a lot of trouble in electoral politics. It can divide voter coalitions that previously stuck together.

After all, we wouldn’t have Syriza if the old Greek left parties had stuck together. Movements do that, and then Syriza can move into that space. But once they move into that space, they now become a party. And the movements will still be there if Syriza leaves them alone, which I hope it will. But Syriza won’t have that capacity or inclination to create division that its movement allies did earlier.

I think governments are a little like parties, but they also have huge latitude for secret and double dealing. Because so much of governance is hidden. What movements do is not hidden particularly, only occasionally. What emergent political parties do—at least the important parties—is not hidden, because their campaigning is important. But states are very significantly hidden and they can do all sorts of things. So imagining a state as an insurgency is hard to imagine.

Greece’s current finance minister, Yanis Varoufakis, has been hinting at and sometimes outright saying is that there is the danger of the rise of xenophobic and fascist contingencies and movements in Europe, that are born out of similar conditions that the Left has been empowered by. Do you think that is a real concern, if leftist movements in countries like Greece or Spain fail?

Yes, but I think Syriza will fail if it isn’t able to deliver. That argument should not be used to push for the softest policy by Syriza, because if it turns into PASOK [Greece’s democratic socialist party and previously one of the its two largest parties], it will have failed.

Moving to the American context: are social movements a viable way to win elections in the U.S.? Can they build alternative parties that can compete, or are there too many systematic differences? Are elections not an option for poor people?

They are an option for poor people, but they’re an option that comes alive through the activity of protest movements which involve the poor. And they’re not long-lasting options. Movements can create the space for an insurgent political party or an insurgent electoral coalition; if that coalition wins and takes power, it no longer has the same sort of vulnerability to the divisions created by movements.

The movements which Syriza also represents helped to destroy PASOK, but once Syriza is an established party with a firm majority, it will tend to turn away from the movements. That isn’t a criticism of Syriza, it’s an examination of the political dynamics over time.
I’m glad Syriza won. I want it to be as clever as possible and get the best deal possible from these institutions. And then I want it grow. And then I want a new movement to threaten it.

Premio WACC-SIGNIS de Derechos Humanos 2014 a “Taxi”

. . . DERECHOS HUMANOS . . .

un artículo de Signis, Asociación Cathólica Mundial para la Comunicación

El filme Taxi, de Jafar Panahi (Irán, 2014), recibió el premio WACC-SIGNIS de Derechos Humanos 2014. Taxi, es un largometraje de corte documental que muestra la sociedad contemporánea en Irán. [WACC=La Asociación mundial para la comunicación cristiana].

teheran

“Taxi”, por Jafar Panahi © Jafar Panahi Film Productions

Una manera inusual y creativa de promover el derecho humano a comunicar desafiando la censura y rompiendo así el tabú del silencio en Irán. Un taxi amarillo recorre las calles bulliciosas de la ciudad de Teherán acogiendo a diversos pasajeros que con franqueza dialogan con el conductor, que no es otro que el mismo director del filme Jafar Panahi.

Taxi cumple un doble rol, por un lado al mostrar en pantalla la libertad de expresión mientras que irónicamente se ve cómo las nuevas tecnologías son parte de la misma vida y de las interacciones sociales de la actualidad. La cinta critica la manera en que las imágenes de los medios a menudo manipulan a la opinión pública sobre lo que es oficial, auténtico y legal contrapuesto a lo que no es legal, falso o simplemente criminal.

Panahi alcanzó el reconocimiento internacional gracias a su primer largometraje, El globo blanco , que ganó La Cámara de Oro en el Festival de Cannes en 1995. Este fue el mejor premio obtenido por un filme iraní en este festival. Pese al veto en su país de origen, la crítica siguió aclamándolo recibiendo premios que incluyeron el Leopardo de Oro en el Festival de Locarno por su filme El espejo (1997), el León de Oro en el Festival de Venecia por El círculo (2000), y el Oso de Plata al mejor director en el Festival de Berlín por Offside (2006).

Los filmes de Panahi se han hecho conocidos por su perspectiva humana sobre la vida en Irán, a menudo centrándose en las dificultades que tienen los niños, los pobres y las mujeres. En sus propias palabras, “soy un cineasta. Lo único que puedo hacer es hacer cine. El cine es mi expresión y el significado de mi vida. Nada puede impedirme hacer cine porque cuando entro a los rincones más escondidos, puedo conectarme con mi yo interior”.

Abbas Kiarostami, quien diera a conocer mundialmente el cine iraní, ponía a menudo a sus protagonistas en autos para que la audiencia viera lo que el actor veía. El auto y los ojos del observador se hacían uno, con una cámara que se desplazaba, de tal forma que el director compartía observaciones y pensamientos con los espectadores.

Jafar Panahi utiliza una técnica similar en Taxi , aunque la decisión para hacerlo no haya sido del todo voluntaria. En la actualidad, Panahi está impedido de hacer cine en su país y no se le permite viajar al extranjero. A pesar de haber sido sentenciado a reclusión, fue absuelto gracias a la presión internacional; sin embargo, ha decidido ignorar esta prohibición.

Taxi significa un acto valiente de resistencia. El director actúa como un conductor de taxi en su propio filme, entablando conversaciones con numerosos pasajeros en su recorrido por Teherán. Algunos de estos pasajeros hacen alusión directa a los abusos democráticos en Irán. Al respecto, Taxi se convierte en un filme políticamente comprometido.

Es también muy divertido pues el chofer de taxi y sus pasajeros hablan frecuentemente de cine lo que resulta en conversaciones perspicaces que lo convierte en una cinta audaz en un contexto actual.

(Clickear aqui para la version inglés del este articule y aqui para la version francés.)

Pregunta para este artículo:

Le Prix WACC-SIGNIS pour les Droits de l’Homme 2014 décerné à “Taxi Téhéran”

. . . DROITS DE L’HOMME . . .

une article par Signis, Association Catholique Mondiale pour la Communication

Le Prix WACC-SIGNIS pour les Droits de l’Homme 2014 a été décerné au film Taxi Téhéran réalisé par Jafar Panahi (Iran, 2014), un long métrage documentaire qui reflète la société iranienne contemporaine.

teheran
cliquez sur le photo pour l’élargir

“Taxi”, par Jafar Panahi © Jafar Panahi Film Productions

Une manière insolite et créative de promouvoir le droit à communiquer, de défier la censure et de briser le tabou du silence qui enserre l’Iran. C’est ce que propose Taxi Téhéran , dans lequel un taxi jaune parcourt les rues animées de Téhéran, accueillant divers passagers libres de s’exprimer avec franchise en répondant aux questions du chauffeur, qui n’est autre que le réalisateur Jafar Panahi.

Taxi Téhéran joue un double jeu visuel, en mettant en scène la liberté d’expression tout en montrant, avec ironie, comment les nouvelles technologies font aujourd’hui partie intégrante des interactions sociales. Le film souligne et critique la manière dont les images qui proviennent des médias dictent souvent la perception qu’ont les gens de ce qui est officiel, authentique et légal, par opposition à ce qui est officieux, faux ou tout simplement criminel.

Panahi a obtenu une reconnaissance internationale dès son premier long métrage, Le Ballon blanc, qui a remporté la Caméra d’or au Festival de Cannes en 1995, le premier prix majeur décerné à un film iranien à Cannes. Bien que ses films aient souvent été interdits dans son propre pays, il a continué à séduire les cinéphiles du monde entier et a reçu de nombreux prix dont le Léopard d’or du festival de Locarno pour Le Miroir (1997), le Lion d’or à Venise pour Le Cercle (2000), et l’Ours d’argent du Meilleur réalisateur à la Berlinale pour Offside (2006).

Les films de Panahi sont connus pour leur perspective humaniste sur la vie en Iran, s’intéressant souvent aux difficultés des enfants, des pauvres, et des femmes. De lui, il déclare : “Je suis un cinéaste. Je ne sais rien faire d’autre que de faire des films. Le cinéma est mon moyen d’expression et le sens de ma vie. Rien ne peut m’empêcher de faire des films. Car quand je suis poussé à bout, je me sens connecté avec moi-même.”

Abbas Kiarostami, qui a donné ses lettres de noblesse au cinéma iranien, met souvent en scène ses personnages en voiture, afin que le public voie ce que l’acteur voit. Le véhicule et le regard du spectateur se rejoignent comme dans une caméra en mouvement, qui permet au cinéaste de partager sa vision et ses pensées avec le spectateur.

Jafar Panahi utilise une technique similaire dans Taxi Téhéran , mais cette décision n’est pas entièrement volontaire. Panahi n’est pour l’instant ni autorisé à réaliser des films dans son pays, ni à voyager à l’étranger. Condamné à une peine de prison, il a été libéré suite aux pressions venant de nombreux pays. Et il a choisi de ne pas respecter l’interdiction de filmer qu’on lui a imposée.

Taxi Téhéran est donc un acte courageux de résistance. Le cinéaste joue le rôle du chauffeur de taxi dans son propre film, conversant avec les passagers qu’il emmène à travers les rues de Téhéran. Certains de ces passagers s’expriment ouvertement sur les manquements démocratiques en Iran. A cet égard, Taxi Téhéran est un film politiquement engagé.

Le film ne manque pas non plus d’humour. Et le chauffeur et ses passagers parlent aussi beaucoup de cinéma. Il en résulte des conversations passionnantes et une approche lucide sur les événements actuels.

Le Prix WACC-SIGNIS pour les Droits de l’Homme récompense un documentaire qui met en lumière des questions sur les Droits de l’Homme qui reflète les valeurs et priorités des associations chrétiennes WACC.

(Cliquez ici pour la version anglaise de cet article ou ici pour la version espagnole.)

Question pour cet article:

WACC-SIGNIS Human Rights Award 2014 goes to “Taxi”

. HUMAN RIGHTS .

an article by Signis, World Catholic Organization for Communication

The WACC-SIGNIS Human Rights Award 2014 has gone to the film Taxi directed by Jafar Panahi (Iran, 2014), a feature-length documentary highlighting contemporary society in Iran.

teheran
click on the photo to enlarge

“Taxi”, by Jafar Panahi © Jafar Panahi Film Productions

An unusual and creative way of promoting the human right to communicate, challenging censorship and breaking the taboo of silence within and about Iran. A yellow cab driving through the vibrant streets of Tehran plays host to diverse passengers who express candid views while being interviewed by the driver, who is none other than the film’s director Jafar Panahi.

Taxi plays a dual role visually mediating freedom of expression while ironically showing how new technologies are part and parcel of life and social interaction today. The film underlines and critiques how media images often govern people’s understanding of what is official, authentic, and legal as opposed to what is unofficial, false or downright criminal.

Panahi achieved international recognition with his feature film debut, The White Balloon , which won the Caméra d’Or at the 1995 Cannes Film Festival, the first major award won by an Iranian film at Cannes. Although his films were often banned in his own country, he continued to receive international acclaim from film critics and won numerous awards, including the Golden Leopard at the Locarno International Film Festival for The Mirror (1997), the Golden Lion at the Venice Film Festival for The Circle (2000), and the Silver Bear for Best Director at the Berlin Film Festival for Offside (2006).

Panahi’s films are known for their humanistic perspective on life in Iran, often focusing on the hardships of children, the impoverished, and women. In his own words, “I’m a filmmaker. I can’t do anything else but make films. Cinema is my expression and the meaning of my life. Nothing can prevent me from making films. Because when I’m pushed into the furthest corners I connect with my inner self.”

Abbas Kiarostami, who made Iranian cinema world-famous, often set his protagonists in cars so that the audience sees what the actor sees. The car and the eyes of the viewer became one, a large moving camera, so that the film director shares observations and thoughts with the viewers.

Jafar Panahi uses a similar technique in Taxi , although the decision to do so was not entirely voluntary. Panahi is currently banned from making films in his home country and is not allowed to travel abroad. Although sentenced to a term in prison, his was freed as a result of pressure from abroad. However, he has chosen to disregard the work ban imposed on him.

Taxi is a courageous act of resistance. The director plays the taxi driver in his own film, making conversation with numerous passengers as he drives them around Tehran. Some of these passengers address Iran’s democratic abuses very directly. In this respect, Taxi is a politically committed film.

It is also fun. And the taxi driver and his passengers often talk about cinema. The resulting conversations are very insightful, resulting in a clever take on current events.

The criteria for the international WACC-SIGNIS Human Rights Award are a documentary film (rather than a feature film) from the year in question that seeks to throw light on a question of human rights reflecting the values and priorities of WACC [World Association for Christian Communication] and SIGNIS [World Catholic Organization for Communication].

(Click here for the French version of this article or here for the Spanish version.)

Question for this article:

International Conference: Building Global Support for Women Human Rights Defenders

. WOMEN’S EQUALITY .

an article by Nobel Women’s Initiative

We are very excited to invite you to join us online for our 5th biennial conference, Defending the Defenders! Building Global Support for Women Human Rights Defenders. Over 120 women – including Nobel peace laureates and frontline activists from the Middle East, Africa and Central America—will gather in the Netherlands this week [April 20] to discuss how the international community can protect women human rights defenders across the globe.

defenders

“Women activists are on the frontlines of some of the globe’s most pressing conflicts,” says Jody Williams, Nobel peace laureate (USA) and chair of the Nobel Women’s Initiative. “These women play an essential role in pushing back against those wishing to repress basic human democratic rights.”

Williams will be joined at the conference by sister Nobel peace laureates Shirin Ebadi (Iran), Mairead Maguire (Northern Ireland) and Leymah Gbowee (Liberia), as well as globally-known human rights experts.

Women human rights defenders are targeted for a wide range of violence around the world—from verbal harassment to systematic rape, torture and assassinations. Often these women are targeted for violence because they are defying traditional gender roles and represent a threat to the “status quo”.

Among those at highest risk are women resisting mining and other mega-developments in their communities and women facing new threats from extremist groups such as ISIS. Women are at the forefront of creative and innovative nonviolent action. By listening, learning, and amplifying women’s voices, we hope to bring attention to incredible and important work being done by women front-line defenders, as well as strengthen networks for support and protection.

Stay tuned in the coming days on Facebook, Twitter (#DefendingDefenders), Instagram (@nobelwomen), and our Defending the Defenders Blog as we post photos, videos, facts and quotes and spotlight some of our extraordinary participants!

(Thank you to Janet Hudgins, the CPNN reporter for this article.)

Question for this article:

Protecting women and girls against violence, Is progress being made?

The 47 CPNN articles devoted to this theme suggest that indeed progress is being made.

See comment below about Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, as well as our recent article A century of women working for peace

Côte d’Ivoire: Ouverture à Yamoussoukro du centre régional ISESCO pour la culture de la paix

. PARTICIPATION DÉMOCRATIQUE .

un article par Abidjan.net

Le ministre de l’Enseignement supérieur et de la Recherche scientifique, Gnamien Konan a procédé jeudi, à l’ouverture officielle à Yamoussoukro du centre régional pour l’éducation à la culture de la paix (CRECP) en présence de M. Najib Rhiati représentant l’organisation islamique pour l’éducation, les sciences et la culture (ISESCO), initiatrice de la création du CRECP en Côte d’Ivoire.

yamoussoukro

Cliquez sur le photo pour l’élargir

Le CREP est logé au sein de la Fondation internationale Félix Houphouët-Boigny pour la recherche de la paix. Il est destiné à promouvoir le dialogue, les droits de l’homme, la justice et la paix pour un monde meilleur. Il a démarré en 2008, mais concrétisé par la signature d’un accord entre la République de Côte d’Ivoire et l’ISESCO en octobre 2013.

(cliquez ici pour une traduction anglaise de cet article.)

(Question pour cet article:)

How can we develop the institutional framework for a culture of peace?

The Houghouët-Boigny Foundation of Yamoussoukro: what is its contribution to the culture of peace?

“Il a pour mission de promouvoir, dans les États africains francophones membres de l’ISESCO, l’éducation à la culture de paix dans les systèmes et programme éducatifs, de renforcer les capacités de leurs formateurs dans le domaine de la culture de la paix, et de faciliter l’intégration de l’éducation à la culture de la paix dans les programmes d’enseignement scolaire et universitaire”, a indiqué Dr Diénéba Doumbia, directeur du département de la recherche de la paix de la Fondation FHB.

Le plan d’action triennal actuel du CREP prévoit un programme continu d’éducation aux valeurs humaines, selon le représentant du directeur général de l’ISESCO, Najib Rhiati.

“Ce programme vise à faire de l’école un espace d’égalité et de fraternité humaine, un espace qui ouvrira la voie à l’instauration d’une vie commune, fondée sur les valeurs de la paix et de la solidarité et établie par les enfants qui formeront une jeunesse capable de construire l’avenir”, a-t-il précisé.

Gnamien Konan, pour sa part, a expliqué que les conflits et tensions sont nés de l’incivisme et de la démission des citoyens du jeu démocratique. ”Cette montée de violences déstabilise nos économies, portent préjudice aux systèmes éducatifs et anéantissent la solidarité légendaire des pays africains”, a-t-il déploré.

Aussi a-t-il engagé les animateurs du CRECP à mener continuellement des réflexions, afin d’imaginer des mécanismes innovants et efficaces et de nouvelles attitudes qui permettront d’éduquer les populations à la culture de la paix, gage d’un développement harmonieux de nos pays.

Yamoussoukro, Côte d’Ivoire: Opening of ISESCO Regional Centre for Culture of Peace

. DEMOCRATIC PARTICIPATION .

an article by Abidjan.net

The Minister of Higher Education and Scientific Research, Gnamien Konan presided Thursday [16 avril] at the official opening in Yamoussoukro of the regional center for education for a culture of peace (CRECP) in the presence of Mr Najib Rhiati representative of the Islamic Organization for Education, Science and Cultural Organization (ISESCO), initiator of the creation of CRECP in Côte d’Ivoire.

yamoussoukro

Click on the photo to enlarge

CREP is housed within the Félix Houphouët-Boigny peace foundation. It is intended to promote dialogue, human rights, justice and peace for a better world. It was conceived in 2008, and formalized by the signature of an agreement between the Republic of Côte d’Ivoire and ISESCO in October 2013.

(click here for the original French version of this article)

(Question for this article:)

How can we develop the institutional framework for a culture of peace?

The Houghouët-Boigny Foundation of Yamoussoukro: what is its contribution to the culture of peace?

“Its mission is to promote, in the French-speaking African states members of ISESCO, education for a culture of peace in educational systems and programs, to enhance the capabilities of their culture of peace trainers, and to facilitate the integration of education for a culture of peace in school and university curricula,” said Dr. Dieneba Doumbia, director of research for peace of FHB Foundation.

The current three-year plan of CREP provides an ongoing program of education in human values, according to the representative of the Director General of ISESCO Najib Rhiati.”This program aims to make the school a space of equality and human brotherhood, a space that will pave the way for the establishment of a common life based on the values ​​of peace and solidarity and established by children who will form a youth able to build the future, ” he said.

Gnamien Konan, for his part, explained that conflicts and tensions are born of lack of civic responsibility and lack of democratic participation. “The resulting violence destabilizes our economies, harms our education systems and destroys the legendary solidarity of African countries,” he lamented.

Also, he has hired CRECP facilitators to continuously conduct discussions in order to devise innovative and effective mechanisms and new attitudes that will educate people to the culture of peace, guaranteeing a harmonious development of our country.