USA: Response to the Massacre in Charleston; Grieve, But then Teach and Organize Nonviolence

EDUCATION FOR PEACE .

An article by the Reverend John Dear in the Huffington Post (abridged and reprinted according to fair use)

Like millions of others, I’m grieving the death of the nine church folk killed in the unthinkable massacre inside Charleston’s Emanuel AME Church on Wednesday night. My heart goes out to the families and friends of the dead, and the church members, and I offer all my condolences, prayers, blessings and love. . .

John Dear
Click on photo to enlarge

Of course, this was a hate crime, an act of violent racism and domestic terrorism. Press reports claim that the insane young man who shot the church goers had just been given a gun by his father for his 21st birthday. No doubt he was a sociopath, an advocate of hatred and racism, a white supremacist, the normal product of our culture of guns, hatred, racism, violence and war.

Like millions of others, I feel swept up in grief. Where does one start? The police killings of African Americans such as Amadou Diallo, Oscar Grant, Trayvon Martin, Sean Bell, Eric Garner, Michael Brown, Tamir Rice, and Walter Scott (of South Carolina, in April)—these are just the well known names. Thousands have been killed. And the big massacres such as Virginia Tech college students, the Sandy Hook elementary school children, the Boston marathon runners and bystanders, and the Aurora, Colorado movie goers. One could go on.

But my grief mingles with the grief of the world, the quiet death of millions of children from extreme poverty and unnecessary disease, and the deliberate killing of children by the U.S. war machine.

Not too long ago, I spent days listening to teenagers in Kabul, Afghanistan, cry as they told me in detail how their loved ones were blown up by U.S. drones which dropped bombs upon them. I remember visiting the Catholic high school for girls in Baghdad and being surrounded by hundreds of girls who cried as they denounced the U.S. bombings and war. I recall the hundreds of people I met in the 1980s in Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala who wept as they told me about the killing of their loved ones by U.S. backed death squads. I have witnessed the tears of grief brought on by the forces of death as well in India, South Africa, Egypt, Palestine, Colombia, Northern Ireland, and the Philippines.

For me, like all my activist friends, it is a lifetime of grief in solidarity with sisters and brothers around the world whose loved ones died by the systemic forces of greed, war, violence and death.

That’s why I see beyond the sickness of hatred, racism and sexism toward something deeper—an addiction to violence–to death itself–that inflicts nearly every living human being to some degree, an addiction which fuels the unjust national and global systems which bring death to so many poor people. It’s like everyone, especially us North Americans, is addicted to crack cocaine, yet we don’t know it, much less try to become sober. We’re all full of violence, and we go forward, not knowing what to do. So we maintain a culture of violence, torture, war and nuclear weapons as if that’s a perfect reasonable way to maintain a society. It’s as if we’re all living in a zombie movie.

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Question for this article:

Can peace be guaranteed through nonviolent means?

Are we making progress against racism?

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Consider the hundreds of devout Christians who attend prayer services, bible studies and Catholic masses at the Pentagon, and then go about the big business of mass murder. Or the thousands of devout Christians who attend church each Sunday in Los Alamos, New Mexico, and then spend the rest of the week devoutly building nuclear weapons. Think of the Jesuits of Baltimore who hold an annual Mass for War, who process their one hundred ROTC graduates up the main aisle at graduation mass to profess their Army Oath to Kill to the Blessed Sacrament, just as the Nazis did long ago. . .

We are all addicted to violence in one form or another. We have all surrendered to sociopathic killing in one form or another. We have refused the wisdom, the divine call, the spiritual heights of universal, loving nonviolence. But that is the only option ahead of us.

The real challenge before us, I submit, was laid down long ago by our national teacher, Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. He invites each one of us to undergo the journey he went through toward active nonviolence. We have to renounce the ancient stupidity of “an eye for an eye thinking” (which Jesus outlawed when he commanded in the Sermon on the Mount, “But I say, offer no violent resistance to one who does evil”) and take up where Gandhi left off in his pursuit of truth and nonviolence. . .

In August, I’ll be hosting a national conference on nonviolence at the Hilton Hotel in Santa Fe, New Mexico. It’s sold out, but we will broadcast the entire historic two day event live on line for free, and I hope tens of thousands will watch it live (you can see it at: www.campaignnonviolence.org). We will have some of the nation’s greatest visionaries of nonviolence there, beginning with Dr. King’s friend Rev. James Lawson, whom King called the world’s greatest theoretician of nonviolence.

We will also broadcast live on line our peace vigils in Los Alamos, New Mexico, marking the 70th anniversary of the U.S. atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, on August 6th and 9th. (See: www.campaignnonviolence.org for details).

More, we are calling for a week of nonviolent action across the United States, from September 20th to 28th, as we mark International Peace Day, Sept. 21st. Last year, Campaign Nonviolence organized over 250 demonstrations against war, poverty, nuclear weapons and environmental destruction, and for Dr. King’s vision of a new culture of peace and nonviolence, in all fifty states. We hope to double that number this September, and we need more people to step up to the plate and get involved. That means, organizing a march, a rally, a prayer service or a lobby effort in your local community. If you are looking for some way to get involved, consider yourself invited. Here’s a concrete step you can take, in solidarity with thousands of others across the nation. As we take to the streets together, we will know that we are not alone. . .

Mother Jones was right. Don’t just mourn. Organize!

See you in the street!

US: Columbia University Will Divest From Private Prison Companies

… HUMAN RIGHTS …

An article by Tyler Kingkade for the Huffington Post (reprinted according to fair use principle)

Columbia University trustees voted (June 22) Monday to divest from for-profit prison companies because of concerns about mass incarceration, becoming the first major university to do so.

prisons
Photo from Columbia Prison Divest/Facebook

Columbia, in New York, owned more than 230,000 shares of Corrections Corp. of America, the largest private prison company, headquartered in Nashville, Rolling Stone reported last year. The school no longer owns those shares, law professor Jeff Gordon disclosed in April. The school still holds shares in G4S, a British prison and security services company.

The trustees’ vote pledges Columbia will not invest its endowment of more than $8 billion in for-profit prisons in the future. It follows a recommendation this year from the school’s Advisory Committee on Socially Responsible Investing, and was endorsed by university President Lee Bollinger.

“This action occurs within the larger, ongoing discussion of the issue of mass incarceration that concerns citizens from across the ideological spectrum,” Columbia trustees said in a statement. “We are proud that many Columbia faculty and students will continue their scholarly examination and civic engagement of the underlying social issues that have led to and result from mass incarceration.”

Gordon, chair of an advisory subcommittee, said the group is considering whether Columbia should divest from fossil fuel companies as a stand against global warming.

Students protested for months to get Columbia to divest from for-profit prisons, citing alleged violence and human rights abuses.

An article in The Guardian described a G4S facility in England as rife with drugs and alcohol. An American Civil Liberties Union lawsuit accused a Corrections Corp. of America-owned prison as permitting excessive violence and prison guards who laughed as they declined to treat prisoners’ injuries.

According to the ACLU, “several studies suggest that prisoners in for-profit prisons face greater threats to their safety than those in publicly-run prisons.”

 

Question related to this article:

Divestment, is it an effective tool to combat the violation of human rights?

Readers’ comments are invited on this question and article. See comments box below.

Addressing terrorism: A theory of change approach

TOLERANCE AND SOLIDARITY .

Excerpts from an essay by Paul Lederach in Somalia: Creating space for fresh approaches to peace building

Introduction

The recent “Holder vs. Humanitarian Law Project” U.S. Supreme Court decision of June 21, 2010 has sharpened the debate about engagement with blacklisted groups and has directly impacted the wider communities where designated foreign terrorist groups operate. Anti-terror legislation has consequences and relevance for peacebuilding organizations . . .

new somalia
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since 9/11 and even more with the “Holder vs Humanitarian Law Project” decision we have witnessed a divide emerging between two competing theories of change. The designated foreign terrorists list proposes a change strategy based on isolation. Peacebuilding proposes a strategy of engagement. . .

Conclusion

. . . I would make the case that isolation in the form of wide ranging terrorist lists was driven by desire to control future acts of terrorism. But the approach has little, if any, clear projections of a theory of change that addresses the complexity around the different contexts where it has been applied. It seeks to control violence in the short term but does not suggest how as strategy it contributes to desired change in the mid to long-term. Engagement as an approach includes concrete ideas about change over the mid and longer-term but does not have within its purview specific strategies aimed at controlling or preventing a particular act of terrorism in the short-term. Its purpose is not policing. Engagement strategies seek to change the conditions from which violence emerges, to locate and create the opportunities that make that change possible.

Policy recommendations

• Delineate with greater specificity the theory of change that supports terrorist listings with a particular focus on how it will meaningfully and strategically engage the affected populations. The assessment of the basic theory requires a careful compilation of evidence that assesses, in particular, whether it has increased or decreased a capacity to recruit, solidified or weakened more extremist leadership, and provided for shifts in the wider population toward nonviolent strategies of social change.

• Develop a clear end-game scenario for how geographies most affected or controlled by designated organizations will shift the justifying narratives and behavior from violence (and the use of terrorism in particular) toward nonviolent processes. This requires a specific strategy for how isolation contributes to constructive shifts in the wider civil society most affected by the terrorist listings.

• Based on what now appears to be compelling evidence, pinpoint how isolation of leaders (similar for example to policing approaches for criminal behavior) combines with robust engagement of local populations.

• Develop strategies that constructively impact the rise of second tier and secondary leadership. Given that many of these movements rely heavily on youth, a strategy that strategically approaches the growth of new and alternative leadership requires significant and varied approaches to engagement. Isolation as a blanket policy seems to hold little, if any, strategy for how alternative or future leaders will be different.

Question for this article

Islamic extremism, how should it be opposed?

. . . TOLERANCE & SOLIDARITY . . .

Here are remarks by General Djibril Bassolé , former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Burkina Faso, at a conference in 2023

I will answer your question by telling you what I have already explained to the panelists on the importance of dialogue. In most African countries that suffer from terrorist attacks, the origin of the aggressors has undergone a significant evolution.

Initially, it was exclusively an ideological and cross-border jihadism. In other words, the aggressors came from outside and often decided to die as suicide bombers. No dialogue was possible with such assailants.

Nowadays, jihadism takes the form of local or regional armed insurgencies. Young nationals of the targeted countries have massively enlisted in jihadist groups, in strategic and ideological alliances to wage armed struggles against their States. They attack the defense and security forces (symbols of State authority) and their fellow citizens with unprecedented violence.

Presumably, the jihadists offer them a more promising social project. You know, the regions in Africa in which they operate are generally desert areas, which are characterized by precarious living conditions. As I said to the panellists, the jihadist phenomenon is superimposed on pre-existing local tensions and crises that we must never ignore. We must recognize that feelings of marginalization and frustration exist in certain regions that are disadvantaged by nature and can push a section of its populations, mainly young people, to join terrorist movements in order to benefit from their guidance and support.

Given the complexity of the phenomenon, it must also be admitted that the military solution alone will not be able to eradicate it. To maximize the chances of restoring a lasting peace, States must promote channels of dialogue alongside robust military arrangements well suited to the nature of the terrorist threat because dialogue does not mean capitulation. A constructive dialogue needs a strong and credible state.

To establish a dialogue, a contact with the local insurgents, is essential. They are nationals who follow the jihadist movements because they have no other alternatives. A dialogue makes it possible first of all to better assess the situation of insecurity, to make a precise diagnosis and to identify the root causes of the massive adhesion of young nationals to terrorist actions.

Dialogue then makes it possible to reform the system of governance because I am one of those who think that in Africa, the centralizing Jacobin State as we inherited it from the colonizer is showing its limits. It will be necessary to reform the State so that it is better able to promote the general interest, to guarantee better governance, to ensure a better distribution of natural resources, in short, to give populations control of their destiny.

Finally, the dialogue will eventually make it possible to envisage peace talks or even negotiations, knowing that lasting peace generally passes through a national dialogue which will consolidate national cohesion.

In any case, dialogue is one of the typically African means of settling conflicts and easing tensions. I think that as Africans we must find our own ways to resolve the crises that have undermined our societies

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For another response to this question, see The Elders debate “should military action be taken against Islamic State?”

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This theme refers to the following CPNN articles:

Letter from Mali: a plea for peace

Burkina Faso: Living together: Traditional and religious leaders speak to their communities

Exclusive interview with General Djibril Bassolé from Burkina Faso on the sidelines of the Global Security Forum in Doha (Qatar)

Cameroon: A radio station for the protection of the Waza biosphere reserve

Civil society in northeast Syria promotes women’s role to fight extremism

Morocco: Combating the radicalization of young people via the Internet

Burkina Faso: Struggle against radicalization: Imams and preachers strengthen their knowledge

Ivory Coast: The Mohammed VI Foundation preaches the return to the sources of Islam through the Achâarite doctrine

Dakar: International Post-Forum Seminar on Peace and Security in Africa

Book review: A Moonless, Starless Sky by Alexis Okeowo

Challenge of Tackling Terrorism Threat Can Be Achieved through Solidarity, Secretary-General Tells African Union Peace and Security Council

The League of Ulema, Preachers and Imams of the Sahel Countries: Communication to counter extremism

Egypt : Launch of the 27th session of the International Conference on Islamic Affairs

Lancement de la 27ème session de la conférence internationale des affaires islamiques

Benin encourages interfaith dialogue against Boko Haram

Speech of Sierra Leone Foreign Minister to the Organization of Islamic Cooperation

Nonviolent Peaceforce: Urgent Update from South Sudan

The Challenge: A Cultural Program to Reject Extremism and Violence

The Elders debate “should military action be taken against Islamic State?”

Algérie: Séminaire sur l’islam et le rejet de la violence les 12 et 13 août à Laghouat

Algeria: Seminar on Islam and rejection of violence on 12 and 13 August in Laghouat

The Global Movement Of Moderates: An Effective Counter To Islamic State? – Analysis

Search for Common Ground: Take Action to End Violence against Civilians

Mali: The struggle against terrorism: Towards the creation of a global network of Ulemas

Togo in the struggle against terrorism: The “Pacific Magazine” plays its part

Togo Lutte contre le terrorisme : Le « Magazine le Pacific » joue sa partition

The Elders debate “should military action be taken against Islamic State?”

TOLERANCE AND SOLIDARITY .

Excerpts from the video of a debate on BBC World

Four of the Elders, Hina Jilani, Jimmy Carter, Mary Robinson and Kofi Annan, took part in a live broadcast debate on BBC World to discuss some of the world’s biggest issues, from Syria and Ukraine to migration and extremism. Here are excerpts from their response to the question “should military action be taken against Islamic State?

elders on isis

Kofi Annan: Yes, we cannot allow them to continue their brutality unchecked, but the region is so divided I think that left to themselves, they cannot stop them. One would need to have a coalition that brings together the regional powers, countries like Saudi Arabia, Iran, Turkey, maybe Qatar and Egypt, working with Russia, the United States and eventually other members of the Security Council, to make a common cause, to say we face a common danger and we cannot allow this to go on unchecked and come up with a common program to contain them. . .

Mary Robinson: I think that what Kofi is saying is what really needs to be done, that those that have different interests must come together because this is a devastating situation for the populations of Syria, of Iraq now, increasingly. . .

Jimmy Carter: I agree with what has already been said. I think this would be a perfect example for the United Nations Security Council to act in unity for the first time in many years, where all five permanent members agree on the threat of ISIS. We met with President Putin recently and he said that Russia fears ISIS as much as anyone else. This would be a perfect time for the United Nations Security Council to agree, to get all the members to agree that “Let’s work in unity.”

Hina Jilani: ISIS is not just hijacking the Islamic religion, but distorting it in order to put forward their own political agenda. I think it is not about religion. ISIS is about control. . . . It’s not about religion or any attempt to impose any kind of religious values, because those values are obviously values of peace, of tolerance, of humanity. . . .

There is no other option but to use the military option, but at the same time it is always important to understand that military operations can never succeed in dealing with these kinds of forces unless and until a good social and political strategy is implemented in the areas where these forces are not active. Because it is the people that matter. It doesn’t matter that they are in control of a territory. What matters is that in the territory are people who are suffering these terrible crimes.

You can’t fight violence with violence. That’s why – I’ve said it already – you have to have a proper social and political strategy . . . Yes, if necessary, military force must be used, but at the same time, the force must be used after a political and social agenda has been constructed on what to do thereafter.

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Question for this article

Islamic extremism, how should it be opposed?

Readers’ comments are invited on this question and article. See below for comments box.

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Kofi Annan: Let me comment a little on the use of force. Yes, we’ve seen the limits of the use of force and military intervention, and we need to have other aspects of policy that goes with it, both political and diplomatic and social programs, as has been indicated. It is frustrating to see the misery that the people of the region are going through. . .

Mary Robinson: I just want to get back to the question of the war in Iraq. I think a lot of the problems stem from an unjustified and incredibly damaging war in Iraq. It humiliated, the “shock and awe”, the whole sense of it, and then, I think, it broke a trust somehow which is going to be very hard to rebuild. I think it’s important that we recognize that the problems didn’t all start there [i.e. Syria]. The problem started, or was very significantly contributed to by a war that was unjustified. I remember I was UN High Commissioner for Human Rights at the time, and I pleaded not to go to war in Iraq

The Challenge: A Cultural Program to Reject Extremism and Violence

TOLERANCE AND SOLIDARITY .

Excerpts from a publication by Ismail Serageldin

[Editor’s note: The author is head of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina in Egypt, one of the most important cultural institutions in the Arab world. The full essay is well over 100 pages, and readers are recommended to read it in detail. The following excerpts are an attempt to provide some of the main lines of his proposal.]

serageldin
A Conceptual Model of Social Behavior

This essay represents my reflections . . . on the role
that the Library of Alexandria joining with all the cultural institutions of our society can play in confronting extremism and violence. The essay is composed of five major parts:

Culture in Egypt and the Arab world
On Extremism and Violence
The Dynamics of Cultural Change:
Elements of a Cultural Strategy:
Specific Programs

PART ONE: CULTURE IN EGYPT AND THE ARAB WORLD

. . . From isolationism to failed states to civil wars to new forms of barbarism, the political conditions in most of the Arab World could hardly be worse.

Violence is everywhere, terrorism and extremism are flagrantly challenging some governments who have but limited legitimacy, and millions have become homeless refugees both within their own countries and formally crossing frontiers into neighboring countries. Humanitarian crises are continuous.

We are witnessing a debacle of historic proportions. Why? Is it fair to refer to an Arab World? Or does each individual country have its own distinct identity and its own individual history that brought about its own demise?

For most of the Arab World, identity is based on culture, and specifically a shared language. . . Different Arab Countries have different histories and therefore have different identities, but they share an overarching identity of being Arab. . .

The fact is that we are all given multiple identities by birth and upbringing (gender, race, ethnicity and family, national origin) and usually we grow up learning the language of our milieu and accepting the religion of our parents. Most children adopt their parents’ religion and few convert to another religion at a later stage. We usually acquire some other identities such as group or club affiliations, political positions, etc. Fanatics want people to reduce their identities to one overarching identity, be it religious, ethnic, or political. This is obviously at the expense of pluralistic affinities and the multi-layered reality of modern society. This point has been forcefully made by Amartya Sen and by Amin Maalouf. . .

. . . the most extreme forms of barbaric terrorism being displayed by the forces of the so-called “Islamic State” in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) is a manifestation of the combination of several historic broad societal currents:

* The intellectual bankruptcy of many of the Arab regimes over long periods of reign preceding the revolutions of the Arab Spring. Their inability to renew the social contract in a meaningful fashion, and the continued monopolization of power by a mediocre elite that suppressed youthful talent and imposed a system of patronage for political and social advancement.

* The re-emergence of political Islam, long suppressed by a nationalist and secular political narrative, but given new wings by the Iranian revolution, the funding of the oil states and rich Arab individuals and the emergence of Hizbullah in Lebanon during the long civil war there and its role against the Israeli war in Lebanon. These and other factors were “topped up” by the return of the “Afghan Arabs” who were allied to the native Mujahedeen against the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, which yielded the Taliban regime there.

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Question for this article

Islamic extremism, how should it be opposed?

Readers’ comments are invited on this question and article. See below for comments box.

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* The American invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the subsequent mismanagement of the tense ethnic and religious cleavages in that society dealt a traumatic blow to the self-confidence of Muslims, who viewed the direct invasion by America and its allies of both Iraq and Afghanistan, as a direct humiliation of Muslims by the West. Furthermore, the systematic murder of civilians by the use of drones in Pakistan, Afghanistan, Yemen and elsewhere; all served to inflame sentiments of victimization that fed the Muslim majorities’ emotional despair and consequent greater readiness to accept more extreme positions that would promise a return of a modicum of self-esteem and dignity in the face of perceived continued humiliation.

* The continued Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories and the incompetence of Fatah and its leadership which brought forth Hamas in Gaza.

* The emergence of a powerful tyrannical bureaucracy, especially in Egypt, which stifles and alienates all who deal with it. This type of bureaucratic tyranny had already been identified as a cause of the youthful rebellion of the 1960s throughout the west.

So the manifestation of fanaticism and extremism is a renunciation of the more subtle and multi-layered reality of multiple identities. It is an effort that rejects equality of gender, and religions and seeks to impose its will by force. It draws on the religious fervor of new converts and on the bruised local identities of victimized people to mobilize forces against others, e.g. Sunni Arabs in Iraq in the last decade. It is sapping the energies of youth by ever more extreme displays of violence and rejection of any discussion. The cultural battle ahead is therefore one that must assert pluralism and exalt its enriching aspects, while it develops the more complex set of identities that each of us possesses. . .

CULTURES

. . . When we talk of the cultural scene, it encompasses a wide range of activities: literature (including poetry, plays, novels and short stories), the visual arts (including the graphic arts, painting and sculpture), music, dance, theater, cinema, architecture and the built environment. The cultural scene also involves journalism, TV and the Mass Media, as well as books and publications, plus the new domains of cyberspace and virtual reality. Artistic and cultural endeavors also require teaching and criticism, and the publications and venues needed for both. . .

Clearly, an exhaustive review of all the above would be beyond the scope of this essay. However, we can try to show some highlights that would touch upon much more than one angle or even a sector of activity, especially that it is one of our premises that we need to promote pluralism in all these cultural domains. . .

PART FOUR: ELEMENTS OF A CULTURAL STRATEGY

. . . But if in the end the cultural output produced by our artists and intellectuals is to have an impact, to be internalized in the system, we also need the context in which they produce that work, and within which the society that they address receives it. Thus issues of governance, of democratic representation and of inclusiveness need to be looked at and addressed in any reform effort. Authoritarian governments, even if they bring stability and security in the short term, will always end up alienating those who are excluded from decision-making and those who feel they have no future in that society. Public involvement in the public realm is necessary. The Agora and the Aeropagus cannot be just for the elite or for tolerated artists and intellectuals if societal change is what we hope for , profound societal change where society will marginalize the extremists and will reject violence and celebrate diversity and rationally debate issues for the country’s future.

To create a climate where pluralism will prevail, where a culture of science will permeate our way of thinking, and where human rights will be considered the most important treasure we possess as a society, recognizing that the abridgement of the rights of any of us is an abridgment of the rights of all of us, we must build a socio-cultural framework that equally promotes security and freedom of expression. . .

[Editor’s note: In part five of his essay, Serageldin proposes specific policies to facilitate the arrows in his diagram of a perceptual model of social behavior shown above: the influences of the Quran, the Sunna of he Prophet, Greek and Latin influcences, local influences, new ideas, mass media, education, modernizing influences and physical change, as well as the many arrows within the diagram for the integration of its components. He explains how the arts, cinema and theatre provide “seeds of hope.” He provides proposals for funding. And he concludes as follows.]

To respond to the challenge posed by the presence of extremism in our midst, and to defeat the armies of violence and terrorism, by the power of ideas that will spread throughout society, ensuring openness to the other, adoption of the new and the celebration of diversity and pluralism… A true Cultural Transformation — That is how we will respond to the Challenge!

Urban Farming Is Booming in the US, but What Does It Really Yield?

. . SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT . .

An article from Elizabeth Royte, Ensia (abridged)

. . .. That researchers are even bothering to quantify the amount of food produced on tiny city farms — whether community gardens, like those of Camden and Philly, or for-profit operations, like Leadley’s — is testament to the nation’s burgeoning local-foods movement and its data-hungry supporters. Young farmers are, in increasing numbers, planting market gardens in cities, and “local” produce (a term with no formal definition) now fills grocery shelves across the U.S., from Walmart to Whole Foods, and is promoted in more than 150 nations around the world.

urbanfarming
photo by Martin Szczepanski

The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations reports that 800 million people worldwide grow vegetables or fruits or raise animals in cities, producing what the Worldwatch Institute reports to be an astonishing 15 to 20 percent of the world’s food. In developing nations, city dwellers farm for subsistence, but in the U.S., urban ag is more often driven by capitalism or ideology. The U.S. Department of Agriculture doesn’t track numbers of city farmers, but based on demand for its programs that fund education and infrastructure in support of urban-ag projects, and on surveys of urban ag in select cities, it affirms that business is booming. How far — and in what direction — can this trend go? What portion of a city’s food can local farmers grow, at what price, and who will be privileged to eat it? And can such projects make a meaningful contribution to food security in an increasingly crowded world? . . .

Despite their relatively small size, urban farms grow a surprising amount of food, with yields that often surpass those of their rural cousins. This is possible for a couple reasons. First, city farms don’t experience heavy insect pressure, and they don’t have to deal with hungry deer or groundhogs. Second, city farmers can walk their plots in minutes, rather than hours, addressing problems as they arise and harvesting produce at its peak. They can also plant more densely because they hand cultivate, nourish their soil more frequently and micromanage applications of water and fertilizer.

As social enterprises, community gardens operate in an alternate financial universe: they don’t sustain themselves with sales, nor do they have to pay employees.

Though they don’t get as much press as for-profit farms and heavily capitalized rooftop operations, community gardens — which are collectively tended by people using individual or shared plots of public or private land, and have been a feature in U.S. cities for well over a century — are the most common form of urban agriculture in the nation, producing far more food and feeding more people, in aggregate, than their commercial counterparts. As social enterprises, community gardens operate in an alternate financial universe: they don’t sustain themselves with sales, nor do they have to pay employees. Instead, they rely on volunteer or cheap youth labor, they pay little or nothing in rent, and they solicit outside aid from government programs and foundations that support their social and environmental missions. These may include job training, health and nutrition education, and increasing the community’s resilience to climate change by absorbing stormwater, counteracting the urban heat island effect and converting food waste into compost.

Funders don’t necessarily expect community gardens to become self-sustaining. These farms may increase their revenue streams by selling at farmers markets or to restaurants, or they may collect fees from restaurants or other food-waste generators for accepting scraps that will be converted into compost, says Ruth Goldman, a program officer at the Merck Family Fund, which funds urban agriculture projects. “But margins on vegetable farming are very slim, and because these farms are doing community education and training teen leaders, they’re not likely to operate in the black” . . .

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Question for this article:

What is the relation between movements for food sovereignty and the global movement for a culture of peace?

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In the world’s poorest nations, city dwellers have always farmed for subsistence. But more of them are farming now than ever before. In sub-Saharan Africa, for example, it’s estimated that 40 percent of the urban population is engaged in agriculture. Long-time residents and recent transplants alike farm because they’re hungry, they know how to grow food, land values in marginal areas (under power lines and along highways) are low, and inputs like organic wastes — fertilizer — are cheap. Another driver is the price of food: People in developing nations pay a far higher percentage of their total income for food than Americans do, and poor transportation and refrigeration infrastructure make perishable goods, like fruits and vegetables, especially dear. Focusing on these high-value crops, urban farmers both feed themselves and supplement their incomes.

In the U.S., urban farming is likely to have its biggest impact on food security in places that, in some ways, resemble the global south — that is, in cities or neighborhoods where land is cheap, median incomes are low and the need for fresh food is high. Detroit, by this metric, is particularly fertile ground. Michael Hamm, a professor of sustainable agriculture at Michigan State University, calculated that the city, which has just under 700,000 residents and more than 100,000 vacant lots (many of which can be purchased, thanks to the city’s recent bankruptcy, for less than the price of a refrigerator), could grow three quarters of its current vegetable consumption and nearly half its fruit consumption on available parcels of land using biointensive methods.

No one expects city farms in the U.S. to replace peri-urban or rural vegetable farms: cities don’t have the acreage or the trained farmers, and most can’t produce food anything close to year-round. . .
That doesn’t mean that community gardeners, who don’t even try to be profitable, aren’t making a big difference in their immediate communities. Camden’s 31,000 pounds (14,000 kg) of produce might not seem like a lot, but it’s a very big deal for those lucky enough to get their hands on it. “In poor communities where households earn very little income,” says Domenic Vitiello, an associate professor of city and regional planning at the University of Pennsylvania, “a few thousand dollars’ worth of vegetables and fruit grown in the garden makes a much bigger difference than for more affluent households.”
History tells us that community gardening — supported by individuals, government agencies and philanthropies — is here to stay.

And whether these gardens ultimately produce more food or more knowledge about food — where it comes from, what it takes to produce it, how to prepare and eat it — they still have enormous value as gathering places and classrooms and as conduits between people and nature. Whether or not cultivating fruits and vegetables in tiny urban spaces makes economic or food-security sense, people who want to grow food in cities will find a way to do so. As Laura Lawson says, “City gardens are part of our ideal sense of what a community should be. And so their value is priceless.”

Gaza prepares to welcome Freedom Flotilla III

DISARMAMENT AND SECURITY .

An article by the Middle East Monitor

Preparations are being made in Gaza coinciding with the countdown for the launch of the latest Freedom Flotilla. There are dozens of European activists, Arab figures and journalists aboard the five ships that make up the flotilla. According to the European Campaign to End the Siege on Gaza (ECESG), the ships have come from ports across Europe.

flotilla
Photo by Mohammed Asad.

The Government Committee for Breaking the Siege on Gaza lit a torch to mark the sailing of Freedom Flotilla III, which is scheduled to reach Gaza port on Friday [June 26].

Alaa Al-Batta, head of the committee, told a press conference in the port on Tuesday that the final countdown has started and the flotilla is ready to set sail for Gaza, which has been besieged by Israel for nine years. “The Freedom Flotilla is only a few hours away from the Gaza seaport,” he said. “All Palestinians, across the spectrum, are standing here today to welcome and support the flotilla.” People from all over the world of all religions and ethnicities have gathered in solidarity out of their love for Palestine in an effort to lift the unjust siege, added Al-Batta.

The Freedom Flotilla Coalition delivered a message to UN Representative Alexey Maslov for Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, calling for international protection for the flotilla so that it is not intercepted on its way to Gaza. “We sent a letter to the UN informing them that this is a humanitarian flotilla carrying foreign supporters and activists and that it will sail towards Gaza in the next few hours,” confirmed Al-Batta. “We also said that the UN must carry out its duties towards the flotilla in order to provide it with protection in light of the threats from the Israeli leadership.” The UN representative welcomed the letter and promised to deliver it to Mr Ban.

According to Rami Abdo, an ECESG member, the message included a warning against an Israeli interception of the flotilla, which he stressed would lead to the deterioration of the situation and result in a number of consequences.

Abdo insisted that legal and human rights laws and conventions give the Freedom Flotilla the absolute right to reach Gaza. He called on the United Nations not to remain content with their statements; they should, he said, turn their words into deeds to ensure the safe arrival of the flotilla.

He attributed the delay in setting sail to the bad weather. The ships are all prepared and will wait for good weather in order to ensure the safety of all 80 participants on board.

The Palestinians in Gaza are making preparations to welcome the flotilla. Practice marches by naval personnel have been held and Gaza’s boat-owners are getting ready to go to sea to meet the flotilla and accompany the vessels into port.

Question related to this article:

Presenting the Palestinian side of the Middle East, Is it important for a culture of peace?

Readers’ comments are invited on this article and question. See comments section below.

Argentina: Multitudinaria marcha contra la violencia de género frente al Congreso

. IGUALDAD HOMBRES/MUJERES .

Un artículo de Diario La Prensa

El petitorio difundido en el marco de la marcha #NiUnaMenos contra los femicidios reclamó la implementación “integral” de la ley contra la Violencia de Género, sancionada en 2009 y reglamentada un año después. Miles de personas marcharon hoy [03.06.2015] en las principales ciudades del país contra los femicidios, que en 2014 se cobraron la vida de 277 mujeres y niñas, mientras en el acto central frente al Congreso de la Nación los manifestantes reclamaron la implementación de la ley contra la violencia de género.

BuenosAires
click on photo to enlarge

La marcha en la ciudad de Buenos Aires, encabezada por organizaciones de mujeres y un colectivo de actrices, periodistas y activistas que había realizado la convocatoria en redes sociales de Internet con la consigna #NiUnaMenos, también se replicó en Uruguay, Chile y Miami.

En el acto que se hizo en la Plaza de los Dos Congresos la dibujante Maitena y los actores Juan Minujín y Erica Rivas leyeron un documento, que se busca sea firmado por legisladores y políticos a modo de compromiso en la implementación de acciones para evitar violencia de género y femicidios. El texto destacó que faltan reglamentar artículos de la Ley 26.485 contra la Violencia de Género, sancionada en 2009, entre los que citó el que dispone la creación del Plan Nacional de Acción para la Prevención, la Asistencia y la Erradicación de la violencia contra las mujeres.

“Es insuficiente para evitar el aumento de la violencia de género”, expresó Minujín como parte de la lectura del documento, que pidió implementar esa legislación “con todos los recursos necesarios y monitorear” la iniciativa.

Además, reclamaron que se garantice el acceso de las víctimas a la Justicia, que las fiscalías y comisarías tengan personal “capacitado e idóneo para recibir las denuncias”, unificación de las causas de los fueros civil y penal, y acceso de las víctimas a patrocinio jurídico gratuito durante todo el proceso judicial.

El otro pedido estuvo referido a la elaboración de un registro oficial único de víctimas de violencia contra las mujeres y estadísticas oficiales y actualizadas sobre femicidios, porque “sólo dimensionar lo que sucede permitirá el diseño de políticas públicas efectivas”.

Asimismo, solicitaron garantizar y profundizar la educación sexual integral en todos los niveles educativos, “para formar en la igualdad y para una vida libre de discriminación y violencia machista. Sensibilizar y capacitar docentes y directivos”.

“Garantizar la protección de las víctimas de violencia e implementar el monitoreo electrónico de los victimarios para asegurar que no violen las restricciones de acercamiento que les impone la Justicia”, son otros de los puntos que se reclamaron en el acto.

En ese marco, el texto destacó que “el Poder Judicial desempeña un papel deficiente en la ayuda a las víctimas”, quienes deben realizar “el aporte de testigos y pruebas”, y expresó que “no garantiza medidas efectivas” para evitar la violencia de género.

( Clickear aquí para la version inglês.)

(El artículo continúa en el lado derecho de la página)

Question related to this article:

Protecting women and girls against violence, Is progress being made?

(El artículo continúa de la parte izquierda de la página)

“Se trata de violencia institucional”, leyó Minujín, y recibió aplausos de los manifestantes, del mismo modo que cuando sostuvo que “muchas víctimas ya habían hecho las denuncias”.

El texto también aludió a las mujeres víctimas de trata de personas “cuyo destino sigue sin conocerse. Por ellas también pedimos justicia” e hizo una referencia al tratamiento de las víctimas de violencia de género en los medios de comunicación.

En el acto, que comenzó con un video sobre violencia de género, participaron sobrevivientes y familiares de víctimas, que desde las 16 habían comenzado a concentrarse en la zona y relataron sus experiencias a medios de comunicación.

Algunos de los carteles que portaron decían: “No a la violencia de género”, “Basta de femicidios”, “Derecho a vivir” y “Por ustedes, Iris, Marcela, muertas por femicidios”.

Una de las participantes expresó que “para nosotras esto es un gran triunfo del movimiento de mujeres. El Estado nos deja completamente solas” e instó a “juntarse para evitar la violencia y defender nuestros derechos”.

Entre los participantes estuvieron políticos, actores, actrices, activistas, periodistas, las Madres del Dolor y familiares de la adolescente argentina asesinada en Uruguay, Lola Chomnalez.

La movilización surgió el 12 de mayo tras los femicidios de la adolescente embarazada en la localidad santafesina de Rufino, Chiara Páez, cuyo cuerpo fue hallado enterrado en la casa de su novio dos días antes de la convocatoria a la marcha, y el de la abogada Gabriela Parra, asesinada por su ex pareja en una confitería del barrio porteño de Caballito, el 3 del mismo mes.

Argentina: Massive march against gender violence in front of the Congress

. . WOMEN’S EQUALITY . .

An article from Diario La Prensa (translated by CPNN)

The petition circulated within the #NiUnaMenos march against femicide called for “comprehensive” implementation of the law against Gender Violence, enacted in 2009 and regulated a year later. Thousands of people marched today [03.06.2015] in the main cities of the country against the femicide that has taken the life of 277 women and girls in 2014. The main march took place in front of the National Congress where protesters demanded the implementation of the law against gender violence.

BuenosAires
click on photo to enlarge

The march in the city of Buenos Aires, led by women’s organizations and a group of actresses, journalists and activists who had made the call on social networking sites with the slogan #NiUnaMenos was also replicated in Uruguay, Chile and Miami.

At he ceremony in the Plaza de los Dos Congresos the noted cartoonist Maitena Burundarena and the actors Juan Minujín and Erica Rivas read a document to be signed by legislators and politicians as a compromise in the implementation of actions to prevent violence gender and femicide. The text highlighted what is missing in the missing in the Law 26.485 against Gender Violence, enacted in 2009, including the establishment of a National Action Plan for the Prevention, Assistance and Eradication of violence against women.

“As it stands the law is insufficient to prevent an increase in gender violence,” said Minujín as part of the reading of the document. He demanded implement of the initiative “with all necessary resources and monitoring”.

Furthermore, they demanded that the victims’ access to justice be guaranteed, that prosecutors and police have staff “trained and qualified to receive complaints”, unification of the civil and criminal jurisdictions, and access by victims to free legal support throughout their process.

Another demand referred to the development of a single official record of victims of violence against women and femicide with official and updated information on statistics, because “only by measuring what happens can allow the design of effective public policies.”

They also requested the guarantee and improvement of comprehensive sex education at all educational levels, “to teach equality and freedom from discrimination and gender violence and to sensitize and train teachers and principals”.

“Ensuring the protection of victims of violence and implementation of electronic monitoring of offenders to ensure they do not violate restrictions, are other demands put forward.

In this context, the text emphasized that “the judiciary is not sufficiently helping victims” who should receive “the contribution of witnesses and evidence” and that the judiciary “does not sufficiently guarantee effective measures” to prevent gender violence.

(click here for the original article in Spanish)

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Question related to this article:

Protecting women and girls against violence, Is progress being made?

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“This is institutional violence,” said Minujín, and received applause from the protesters, just as when he said that “many victims have already made allegations”.

The text also referred to women victims of trafficking in persons “whose fate remains unknown. For them also we ask for justice”. There was also reference to the treatment of victims of gender violence in the media.

The event began with a video on gender violence and it included participation by survivors and relatives of victims, who had previously begun to focus on the area and tell their experiences to the media.

Among the posters were “No to violence against women”, “Stop femicide”, “Right to Life” and “For you, Iris, Marcela, killed by femicide”.

One participant said that “for us it is a great triumph of the women’s movement. The state leaves us completely alone” and urged that we unite “together to prevent violence and defend our rights.”

Among the participants were politicians, actors, actresses, activists, journalists, the Madres del Dolor and relatives of the Argentine teenager, Lola Chomnalez, who was murdered in Uruguay.

The mobilization surged on May 12 after the femocides of the pregnant adolescent, Chiara Paez, in the town of Santa Fe Rufino, whose body was found buried in the house of her boyfriend two days before the convening of the march, and the lawyer Gabriela Parra, who was murdered by her former partner in a candy store in the neighborhood of Caballito, on 3 March.

(Thank you to the Good News Agency for alerting us to this event.)