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An article by David Adams in The Thinker abbreviated and reprinted by permission (full article available by subscription)

At the end of the Cold War, during the 1990’s UNESCO, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, embarked on an ambitious project called “the culture of peace.” It was conceived as a radical change in the very nature of human civilization, as a transition from the culture of war that has characterized most societies for thousands of years, to a new and universal culture free from the scourge of war. . .

Illustration of article from The Thinker (copyright ZainDee)

Unfortunately, for many years after a change in leadership at UNESCO, there was little support for the culture of peace. In fact, there was opposition. Exceptionally, however, the Africa Department of UNESCO has recently again taken up the challenge. With UNESCO support, Angola hosts an annual conference for the culture of peace, formally endorsed by the African Union, and networks of African women, youth and research institutions for a culture of peace have been established.

[To escape from the culture of war, we need consciousness, methodologies and institutions for a culture of peace.]

Culture of Peace Consciousness

. . . the Culture of Peace News Network (CPNN: www.cpnn-world.org) [tells] what is happening around the world to promote a culture of peace. The more people read and discuss these articles, the more they will see that a culture of peace is not only possible, but the seeds for it are being planted every day and around the world. . .

Africa is the leading continent of the world for peace education and media for peace. Almost every month we have new articles in CPNN about initiatives in this regard. . .

Consciousness is important. In fact, in the long run it is the basis for historical change. However, it is not enough. We need to develop methodologies and institutions that can replace those of the culture of war.

Culture of Peace Methodologies

. . . In this regard, Africa has already shown its leadership in recent years with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa and the Gacaca in Rwanda, enabling Africans to overcome bitter conflicts and enter a path of reconciliation. These processes have been based on the ancient, pre-colonial practices of conflict transformation, often known as the Palabra, the word, as well as the African tradition of Ubuntu, “I am because you are.” . .

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Where in the world can we find good leadership today?

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Culture of Peace Institutions

. . . During the transition period in South Africa following Nelson Mandela’s release from prison, as part of the National Peace Accord, a broad set of regional and local peace committees were established that united representatives from political organizations, trade unions, business, churches, police and security forces to resolve disputes at local and regional levels.

The work of the regional and local peace committees was at the heart of the Accord. It directly engaged people in conflict management on a grass roots level throughout the country. At their peak, there were 11 regional committees and over one hundred local peace committees, with an annual budget of almost $12 million which enabled the hiring of full time staff for regional offices.

Unfortunately, the system of regional and local peace committees was not continued on an independent basis once elections took place and a government of national reconciliation was installed. . .

Elsewhere in the world, there have also been attempts to establish regional and local peace committees. . .

Networking

The world has not yet arrived at the point of establishing regional networks of culture of peace institutions in cities, towns and regions. There simply are not yet enough such institutions. But if a culture of peace is to succeed in replacing the culture of war, this next step will be essential.

I hope that as a result of this article, I will make contact with Africans who are developing local peace commissions in Africa, and that Africa can take a leading role with a regional network of such commissions.

Conclusion

We have seen here that Africa has already made major contributions to the key elements of the global movement for a culture of peace that are needed to make the transition from the culture of war. Africa is the leading continent of the world for peace education and media for peace, contributing to the consciousness that a culture of peace is possible. African methodologies for conflict resolution are exemplary. And, although they were not continued, the regional and local peace committees of the National Peace Accord in South Africa provided a model for the institutionalization of culture of peace that we need in the future.

Historically, Africa may be in a good position to take a leadership role in the global movement, because in the course of history, with the exception of the ancient empires of Egypt, Africans did not develop culture of war empires and states to the same extent that they were developed in other continents. And the rich tradition of Pan-Africanism provides an alternative model to that of empires and states. A Pan-African union could be based on a culture of peace rather than culture of war. It would be within the tradition of peace-building by Nelson Mandela. And it would fulfill the dream of that great African-American, W.E.B. Dubois, which he shared at the end of his life with Kwame Nkrumah and the people of Ghana, an Africa at peace with itself and the world.

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An article by Nestor Bidadanure in The Thinker abbreviated and reprinted by permission (full article available by subscription)

What is the main ideological factor that has led to so much violence around the question of identity in post-colonial Africa? Can the concept of culture of peace contribute to the establishment of lasting peace in Africa? And, if so, how?

Illustration of article from The Thinker (copyright shutterstock)

The legacy of freedom

“Each generation must, with little help from the past, discover its mission, fulfill or betray it” said Frantz Fanon in his book “Wretched of the Earth,” which was written in 1961 and which had a strong influence on the political consciousness of anti-colonial and Third World activists in his time. If we compare ourselves to the generations that have lived through slavery, colonization and apartheid, we can say with some caution, that the political reality of the African continent has generally improved today. The laws that legitimized the inequality and justified the occupation of territories of peoples of different cultures have been abolished. African leaders who are progressive have overcome the identity manipulations imposed by colonialism; they have unified the freedom fighters of their own country, organized pan- African solidarity, and promoted international solidarity with other peoples struggling for freedom. Despite the political and economic violence that many African peoples still experience, we should not forget the victories over oppression. Thanks to the peoples’ struggles, significant economic and social rights have been achieved in much of the continent. Human rights and gender equality have emerged to a certain extent from the ruins of discriminatory laws. We must remember that no right is natural: each area of freedom we enjoy today is the result of the epic battles in the past by peoples for justice and human dignity. The promise of freedom is the fruit of resistance.

In addition to the culture of resistance, we are also heirs to values and techniques of peaceful conflict resolution. In the face of tragedies such as apartheid, the genocide in Rwanda and the war in Mozambique, the African people have tapped into their ancient culture to break the impasse and reconcile those who have been bitter enemies.

Thanks to the legacy of the freedom fighters of yesterday, we can look ahead today with optimism and say with certainty that a better Africa is possible. In fact the major challenge of our generation is not to begin the story, but to keep it going, not allowing it to be stopped at midpoint of the long road traveled by the generations who preceded us in the struggle for freedom. For as long as war and poverty continue in even the smallest part of the African continent, the freedom promised by the fathers of Pan-Africanism will require other heroes to ensure its fulfillment. As long as people lack freedom somewhere in the world, no one of us can feel completely free.

Therefore, the mission of our generation, post-colonial and post-apartheid is the struggle for a lasting peace in Africa. To do this, it is essential to first understand the belief system that continues to enable the poverty and violence linked to identity in our continent. In other words, we must identify the major obstacle to the emergence of an Africa that is free, democratic and inclusive for which previous generations have struggled. An Africa where peace is no longer a dream but a reality.

It is our point of view that most of the political and economic violence suffered by the African peoples today is rooted in a system of thought we call the Radical Identity Populism (abbreviated PIR). So what is PIR and how can the concept of culture of peace serve as an antithesis to the prejudices that serve as its backbone?

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(Click here for a French version of this article.)

Where in the world can we find good leadership today?

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Radical Identity Populism

. . . In Africa, the decolonization in the legal sense has not been followed by an ideological break with the colonial model of governance by some of the political elite. Violence against the people has been perpetuated beyond independence. While the enemy for the colonialists was those who sought independence, now for the post-colonial elite who have not been mentally liberated from colonial prejudices, the new enemy has become the “other” who is perceived to be different. Discrimination against the colonized peoples has been replaced by discrimination against other ethnic groups, against other religions, against people from other regions, against foreigners … The colonial practice of divide and rule is continued today as the favorite political weapon of extremist elites. The phenomenon of crimes against humanity such as genocide of Tutsis in Rwanda in 1994, the ethnic massacres in Burundi in 1993, the fratricidal war in Southern Sudan, the mass crimes orchestrated by the army of the lord, the LRA in Uganda and the DRC, the war waged by the radical Islamist organizations al-Shabab in Somalia, Boko Haram in Nigeria, Al Qaeda and the Islamist state in Libya, North Africa and Mali are all rooted in theorized system of thought that legitimize extreme violence. . . It is against this phenomenon of Radical Identity Populism that the new generation of freedom fighters must struggle if someday Africa is to live in peace with herself.

By populism, we mean the political demagoguery expressed through the discourse of hate against others who are different. . . By identity, we mean the manipulation of real or perceived differences for the purpose of gaining or maintaining power. . . By radical, we mean the will to exterminate the other who is different. . .

Towards an Africa in peace

The Culture of Peace is not a closed concept. It is a concept that is integrated with the elements of the peoples’ traditions for the peaceful resolution of conflicts and the diffusion of he values of peace. From this point of view, the philosophy of Ubuntu, the tradition of the Ubushingantahe in Burundi, the traditional and participatory justice of the Agacaca in Rwanda are all components of the Culture of Peace. Let us now consider the key constituents of the Culture of Peace in relation to the African situation.

1- Respect for life, for the human person and for his rights. . .

2-Access of all citizens to economic and social rights . . .

3- Peaceful conflict resolution and reconciliation . . .

4. Equality between men and women and the inclusion of diversity . . .

5- Democracy and freedom of expression . . .

6. Respect for the environment . . .

Conclusion

The Culture of Peace should be considered and taught as an ideal that ties together and strengthens that which has been torn apart. It is the antithesis of Radical Identity Populism, a theory of inclusion and reconciliation with which we can achieve the freedom promised, an Africa at peace with herself and with the world. It considers the differences within a nation to be a precious resource. It reminds us that there is no national identity except the diversity, both cultural and human, of all its citizens. The Culture of Peace demands all the human rights for all the people, because, as always, it is poverty and ignorance that continue to provide the fertile soil for the growth of identity demagogy.

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A declaration received by email from the Congo Peace Network (translated from the French by CPNN)

In the face of decades of “recurring wars” maintained by local and regional actors, including Rwanda and Uganda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has seen one “peace accord after another” since 2006.

Most of these peace agreements were signed under the aegis of the international community. Among the most important of these agreements were the Ceasefire Agreement of Lusaka of 30 July 1999; the Global and Inclusive Agreement on the Transition in DRC, signed December 17, 2002, in Sun City, South Africa and the constitution of the transition of April 4, 2003 with its five main specific objectives, namely:

1. The reunification, pacification, reconstruction, restoration of territorial integrity and the restoration of State authority throughout the national territory;
      
2. National reconciliation;

3. The formation of a national army, restructured and integrated;

4. The organization of free, democratic and transparent elections at all levels enabling the establishment of a democratic constitutional regime;

5. The establishment of structures that will lead to a new order politique. For this the Senate proposed a draft constitution submitted to popular referendum on December 18 2005. . . .

I. THE NEW CONSTITUTION OF 18 FEBRUARY 2006

By a margin of 83%, the Congolese massively voted “yes” at the ballot box because the constitution defined a “new path” for the Congolese people who have been wounded and desperate for a long time now. . . [The Constitution of 2006 called for] the rule of law, democracy and good governance; respect for the dignity of the human person with special attention to vulnerable people (children, women, elderly, minorities, prisoners, foreigners, refugees, etc.); the protection of civil liberties and fundamental rights of the person and the family; peace, security, unity and integrity of the national territory, the socio-economic development, free enterprise and fair redistribution of national wealth; justice and the fight against corruption and impunity, etc . . .

In the ten years since the Constitution was adopted, have its promises been carried out by the Congolese state and democratic institutions?

II. CONTRIBUTION TO THE CONSTITUTION OF 18 February 2006 ON PEACE, SECURITY, JUSTICE, DEMOCRACY, GOOD GOVERNANCE, RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS IN DRC.

. . . [Since adoption of the Constitution] the DRC has seen significant progress in terms of democracy, security, peace, good governance, justice and human rights.

a) Democracy: Election

Since gaining independence, the DRC had never organized an “election” that could qualify for: free, transparent, democratic and credible.

For the first time, in 2006 we participated in provincial, national and presidential elections that were welcomed and supported by the international community, under the direction of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), chaired by l’Abbé Apollinaire Malumalu Muholongu.

In 2011 the IEC was changed to the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI), which organized the elections once again. This time it led to political and security instability and give birth to the rebel groups such as the March 23 Movement (M23); which refused to recognizer the legitimacy of the central government, as many observers both domestic and international found that the elections were marred by many irregularities. It seems that there was institutionalized electoral cheating orchestrated by Mr. Pastor Ngoy Mulunda Daniel, president of the CENI at that time. . .

b) Peace and security:

On peace and security, efforts have been made again and again, but despite all that, there is still much to do.

The eastern part of the DRC continues to experience instability and insecurity because of the resurgence of armed groups that proliferate in many territories in the provinces of North Kivu and South Kivu and in the former Eastern Province and some parts of the former Katanga province.

The population of North Kivu has never lived in a situation of calm. Instead, there have been massacres in the territories of Beni, Lubero, Rutshuru Masisi and Walikale. There is an ongoing need for efforts by national, provincial and local authorities to establish peace and safety for persons and property.

c) Justice and respect for human rights

In the eyes of Congolese citizens justice remains only a parody; it is favorable only to those who are wealthy and strong financially and politically, while it is unfavorable to the citizens who are weak materially, politically and financially. It does not meet the promise that “all Congolese are equal before the law and entitled to equal protection” as per article 12 of the constitution. A maxim says, “Righteousness exalts a nation.”

While the constitution provides that the judiciary should be independent of the executive and legislative powers (Article 149), the reality on the ground proves otherwise. The courts fail to provide the independence, impartiality and neutrality in the performance of their mission, which is their responsibility.

With regard to respect for fundamental rights and freedoms, the judiciary should guarantee individual freedoms and fundamental rights of citizens under Article 150 of the constitution. Is this provision respected and observed it in its fullness in the DRC? If so, how can we explain the treatment of prisoners in correctional facilities (prisons, jails, etc.)? Political prisoners from opposition political parties and militant activists of human rights have often been the victims of unlawful detentions and arbitrary arrests, inhuman and degrading treatment and even torture; This has been inflicted on them by officials of the FARDC, PNC, ANR and other security services. Much remains to be done to make respect for human rights a reality in the DRC.

d) Socio-economic development: redistribution of national wealth

The socio-economic situation in the DRC is alarming due to insecurity and unemployment without limit in the Congolese population in general. All this is due to what? The eye of the observer can see that in the DRC, a small number of Congolese control most of the national wealth at the expense of a great mass of citizens. The government benefits the wealthy of the country at the expense of the governed. It ignores the satisfaction of the general interest which should be the prime objective for any government or authority responsible and worthy of its name.

As long as the problem of hunger, education, unemployment and insecurity is not resolved, the Congolese socio-economic climate will remain unsuccessful in its path of development.

III. SOME SIGNIFICANT ADVANCES

In territorial terms, the implementation of 26 provinces under Article 2 of the constitution is a success. However, the actual territorial decentralization in the DRC has been violated by the Central Government. The government has appointed “special commissioners” instead of organizing the election of provincial governors in 21 provinces. “Special commissioners” have also been appointed for the 5 other provinces which have not undergone the territorial division, Kinshasa, Bas-Congo, North-Kivu, South-Kivu and Maniema? Will the “special commissioners” be accountable to the people or the president who appointed them? Their appointment is unconstitutional and it risks plunging the country into dictatorship or, at best, ungovernability. “it is he who appointed that returns the power to revoke” that is to say, they are accountable to the person of the current head of state.

In short, our task is huge because now that we have a constitution, our civic duty is, and should be to preserve it, to help it mature and to give it effect by recognizing it as the “legal standard reference base for the rule of law to which all we aspire, whether we are governors or governed.”

e) In terms of infrastructure:

Several projects have either been constructed and rehabilitated in the areas of transportation, health, education, electricity, etc. Although kilometers of roads have been paved, hospitals and health centers schools, etc. have been constructed, much remains to be done because the DRC is still under construction.

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(Click here for the French version of this article.)

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IV. THE KEY CHALLENGES OF THE CONSTITUTION

In principle, the Constitution of the 3rd Republic in DRC should define the rules and the principles to resolve the political crises that have shaken Congo-Zaire since gaining independence. It should establish normative rules to govern the Republic reflecting the fundamental concerns of the Congolese people and establishing a political society based on reliable and stable institutions. The framers of the Constitution of the DRC, have they achieved this? We do not think so.

1. Terriorial division
  
Article 2 states that the DRC has 26 provinces. In reality, this territorial division is not in itself a bad idea. However, as it is provided for in the 2006 Constitution this division constitutes a time bomb that promotes “secessionist or separatist ideas or passions” of those who ignore the essence of the concept of general interest of the State, the nation or the national unity of the Congolese people.

The risk of secession or separation is not a false assumption. For proof; simply scan the “demographics” of each of its provinces. For exemple, the Province of Tshuapa is formed only by the “Mongo”; the Northern provinces and Sud-Ubangi District, are on their respective turn composed or formed respectively by “Ngbaka” and “Ngbandi”. From this it would seem that the Congolese authorities who organized this division wanted through the constitution “to legitimize the division of the country and the disunity of the Congolese people” . . .

2. Free primary education in the DRC

Article 43 Al 3 clearly states that “primary education is compulsory and free in public schools.” The constitution provides for compulsory and free primary education to banish illiteracy of the population. However, this provision has not been respected in any public institution. Street children abound in many towns and villages of the country, because the children of parents who are unemployed, vulnerable, disabled and displaced are excluded from education. Instead, they should be recognized as our hope for the future. In the words of President Mobutu “Youth is the lifeblood that can ensure the future of our country.”

Until the right to education is guaranteed for all children, we cannot really expect that the phenomenon of “street children” will end.

3. Political pluralism in DRC

Article 8 provides that “political opposition is recognized in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The rights associated with its existence, its activities and its struggle for democratic election to power are sacred. Any limits should be imposed equally on all parties and political activities by this Constitution and the law” . . .

Political power should be obtained only through elections that are free, democratic, transparent and credible. However, unfortunately, the experience of the 2011 elections showed that they favored only the majority for many reasons: for example, in many areas and territories under the control of armed rebels and opponents, it was not possible to campaign.

This year 2016 is an election year, but observers and analysts warn that there are plans by the “Presidential majority” to postpone elections at all levels, local, municipal, city, provincial, national and presidential under the pretexts of: insecurity (especially in the East (North & South Kivu) ; the so-called problem of “new voters”; the situation of Congolese from abroad; and the so-called lack of financial resources” . . . Although the Constitution limits the mandate of the President of the Republic to two terms, it seems that the President and his family wishes to revise this Constitutional provision and apply for a third term.

In view of the above, we propose:

1. To respect the pillars of democracy in the DRC: sovereignty, justice, equality; the rule of law, tolerance, transparency, accountability of rulers, the guarantee of human rights, political pluralism, democratic and peaceful acquisition of power, free, democratic and transparent elections, fair results of the polls, the protection of minorities and entrepreneurship;

2. To prepare and to undertake the electoral process in 2016 (the activity at hand immediately).

3. That the actors, institutions and individuals who have the responsibility to run the democratic regime established by the Constitution, should work for the satisfaction of the general interest;

4. A financial base sufficiant for the operation and equipment of the state apparatus in its various components as defined by the Constitution;

5. Training and establishment of political and security functionaries at the state level who can promote a foreign investment climate in the DRC;

6. Training and implementation of socio-cultural and economic functionaries at the state level to foster the development of the country;

7. A new national policy to create jobs for the youth and the entire nation.
 
Abraham Lincoln defined democracy as “power of the people, by the people and for the people.

When the state wants to provide a legal status and the means of survival and operation, the state adopts a Constitution. The state and the Constitution are closely related to each other, because the state is ultimately the legal seat of public power. We should keep in mind that the Constitution of a country is a long-term process, sometimes subject to delays and changes in the socio-political and economic context, in short, a dynamic affecting life in society.

In addition, we remind all political actors in the DRC, that politics is a sacred mission, that is to say, it must be used to improve the welfare of all citizens without exception.

Alas, although our 2006 Constitution pursues the happiness of the Congolese people; the Congolese politicians wrongly and maliciously consider that the Congolese people are “hypnotized, amorphous or even naive.” They fail to realize that the day will come when the people will rise up and commit to the struggle needed to defend itself with dignity in order to make the republic a showcase par excellence where there will be peace, security and where democracy, good governance, respect for human rights will be a foundation for this young democratic country that is the DRC.

Ultimately, “Dear political and administrative authorities of the DRC, you should know that the tranquility of the soul is a guarantee of longevity and that respect for the Constitution is a bond to ensure the peace of the soul of the Congolese people. ”

President Kabila and all political actors must understand that the current Constitution and respect are a National Partnership for peace and dignity for all. Lack of respect for the Constitution is unacceptable for the Congolese people in general and youth in particular. In no event, nor under any circumstances, will we resign ourselves and give up our rights to our happiness, to our dignity and security, or to stop dreaming of a Congo where all human beings can live in equality, free in rights and dignity.

IN THE LIGHT OF THE FOREGOING, WE YOUTH CLUB MEMBERS OF THE BOARD OF CONGO PEACE CLUB NETWORK FOR PEACE, HUMAN RIGHTS, JUSTICE AND NON VIOLENCE, DECLARE ON THE OCCASION OF THE 10th ANNIVERSARY THE Constitution of the Democratic Republic of the Congo:

1. Any violation of the Constitution of February 18, 2006 as amended to date is unacceptable as it would destroy the solidarity of the Congolese people for peace, dignity, justice and reconciliation;

2. The constitution of February 18, 2006 should be respected by the institutions of the country, by all political actors and tby he entire Congolese people as it is the national partnership for peace and dignity for all Congolese.

3. The Independent National Electoral Commission should publish an electoral schedule that guarantees democratic change in 2016 in accordance with the current Constitution in letter and spirit;

4. We will resist any attempt to disturb public order and social peace by violating the terms of the Constitution or by failing to publish a consensual schedule for elections.

5. Peace, unity and love must prevail before, during and after the elections to be organized this year 2016. God bless and protect the Democratic Republic of Congo
 
Done at Goma, February 18 2016, by the Congo Peace Network
Patrick Mulemeri, Coordinator
Signed by the COUNCIL OF THE CONGO PEACE CLUB NETWORK

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An article from the Journal du Cameroun
 
In view of the terrorist attacks that have led to a deterioration of the humanitarian and security conditions in regions of the country, and from which thousands of Cameroonians have fled their homes, this radio project aims to improve the prevention of conflicts and inter-community dialogue between refugees and host communities, and educate young girls and boys who are vulnerable to terrorist recruitment.

One of the radio control rooms © Rights reserrved

UNESCO and its partners have mobilized the community and four local radio stations in the process of building peace through education. The stations were chosen for their ability to reach the most remote areas by providing information and educational programs in local languages.

“A UNESCO study on the situation in these densely populated areas reveals that misunderstandings among different communities and between them are one of the main problems,” said Cletus Tabe Ojong, Programme Specialist Communication and Information at Regional Office of UNESCO in Yaoundé.

Personnel of the four stations, Echoes of the Mountains of Mokolo, Radio Sava de Mora, Radio Kousseri and the regional station based in Maroua, were trained in the development of local programs on peacebuilding, mediation, prevention and resolution of conflicts, education for nonviolence and dialogue and intercultural and interfaith reconciliation.

The four stations produce over 60 programs on substantive issues to create links between the different communities. On the air, members of rural communities discuss issues related to community inclusion and non-violent conflict resolution. In Mokolo, an area surrounded by villages regularly hit by terrorist attacks, the auditors become aware of the impact of programs related to peace and non-violent resolution of local conflicts. Education programs for peace not only provide knowledge on the culture of peace, but also transmit the skills to recognize and defuse potential conflicts, and to actively promote and build a culture of peace.

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(Click here for the French version of this article.)

African journalism and the Culture of Peace, A model for the rest of the world?

How can peace be promoted by radio?

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“The themes highlight the challenges we face given the current situation in our region,” said Abdurahman Saidou, a member of the regional branch of the Cameroon Association for Interreligious Dialogue, committed to the construction of a peaceful coexistence between Muslims and Christians.

Among the high-impact programs are local news, magazines, micro-programs, live debates and discussions in the national languages. Some programs are presented by Youth Ambassadors for Peace, identified and trained by UNESCO to raise awareness among their peers at school and during extracurricular activities. In addition, listening groups are being created by the youth ambassadors to encourage mobilization, dialogue and action in structures of formal and informal education.

The project, implemented from March 2015 to March 2016, is a joint initiative of UNESCO, UNDP and the FAO entitled “Rapid response to resilience and conflict prevention population of the Far North regions and East of Cameroon.” It is financed by Japan. Radio stations, students (in schools and during extracurricular activities), traditional leaders, religious leaders, political and administrative authorities and the populations directly affected by the humanitarian emergency have been the beneficiaries.

The action of UNESCO in the field of education for peace and human rights is guided by its Constitution, by the World Programme for Education in Human Rights (2005- present) and by the target 4.7 of the Education agenda 2030. It is also implemented as part of the Action Plan of the Secretary General of the United Nations for the prevention of violent extremism. In October 2015, UNESCO’s Member States adopted an important decision to enhance the role of UNESCO in the prevention of violent extremism through education.

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An article by Ousmane Ballo for MaliActu (translated by CPNN)

On 18 and 19 January 2016 at the Hotel Salam, a workshop brought together national and international experts to develop a national program on the culture of peace in our country.

Zahabi Ould Sidi Mohamed

Organized by the Minister of National Reconciliation in collaboration with the UNESCO Office in Bamako, the workshop brought together all stakeholders to debate about the development of a national program on the culture of peace and its implications for the social, cultural and economic development of the country. The following themes were discussed: intercultural practices; education and training for young people; role of civil society.

According to Edouard Firmin Matoko, representative of the Director General of UNESCO, education and culture relate to the values of peace, human rights and democracy. “They should help us learn to live together. They should teach the values ​​of tolerance, respect for others and sharing. They should promote the spirit of dialogue, non-violence and openness to others. They should contribute to the fight against stereotypes and prejudices that set the stage for conflict between nations and between citizens of the same nation,” he said.

According to Mbaranga Gasarabwe, Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary General of the Minusma, peace, reconciliation, mutual understanding and social cohesion are more relevant than ever as we face growing concerns raised by conflicts within and between countries. This is one of the best ways to fight against social unrest and related violence radicalism and violent extremists.

After welcoming the efforts of the friends of Mali, the Minister of National Reconciliation, Zahabi Ould Sidi Mohamed, said that since the signing of the agreement for peace and reconciliation, the situation in Mali has improved. This is thanks to the determination of all the sons of the country for peace and with the support of the United Nations system. “The culture of peace is not only a matter of civil society, but a matter of all of us,” he said. At the close of meeting, some recommendations were made. This includes a study to see if the document coming out of these two days of work can build real peace, strengthen the capacity of actors for peace and strongly involve Civil Society Organisations.

The workshop was organized within the framework of the UNESCO resolution of support to the implementation of the agreement for peace and national reconciliation in Mali adopted at the last General Conference, which was held in Paris in November, 2015.

( Click here for the original French version of this article.)

Question related to this article.

National Culture of Peace Programs, What are their potentials and pitfalls?