Category Archives: FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION

UN chief candidates pressed on how to tackle global challenges

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An article by Gu Zhenqiu for Xinhuanet

The first public interviews with the current nine candidates vying to be next UN secretary-general and a three-day event which is first of its kind in the 70-year history of the world body, concluded here [at the United Nations] Thursday [April 14] with 193 UN member states judging their performance and answers to the questions from the globe.

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This combination photo shows the candidates for the next United Nations Secretary-General. Upper row from left to right: Igor Luksic, Montenegro’s deputy prime minister and foreign minister, Danilo Turk, former president of Slovenia, Antonio Guterres, former prime minister of Portugal and former UN High Commissioner for Refugees. Middle row from left to right: Vesna Pusic, former Croatian foreign minister, Irina Bokova, director-general of United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), Natalia Gherman, former minister of foreign affairs and European integration of Moldova. Bottom row from left to right: Srgjan Kerim, President of the 62th session of the United Nations General Assembly, and former minister of foreign affairs of Macedonia, Helen Clark, former Prime Minister of New Zealand and Administrator of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Vuk Jeremic, President of the 67th session of the United Nations General Assembly, and former Foreign Minister of the Republic of Serbia. (Xinhua/Li Muzi)
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The questions – which also came from members of civil society – to the five men and four women along with their answers were heard via webcast. In fact, the public hearings, also known as “informal dialogues” within the United Nations, rekindled the debate on how to make the global organization more relevant, transparent, efficient and effective in efforts to deal with grave global challenges, such as climate change and terrorism.

The questions, put forward either by a diplomat on the scene or a child through video, were intended to help choose the best person to succeed the current UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, whose tenure is to end on Dec. 31.

The questions were challenging, illustrating high expectations of the international community to see a strong UN chief at the helm of the world’s most universal and authoritative organization.

There were questions that illustrated how different countries have different concerns based on their national interests.

For instance, African and Caribbean countries worry about a lack of access to concessional funds from industrialized nations in their development efforts, while Algeria and other states also voiced concerns at the unbalanced and inequitable composition of UN staff at headquarters in New York in terms of gender and geography.

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Questions related to this article:

Can the UN help move the world toward a culture of peace?

(Article continued from the column on the left)

African and Asian countries asked questions on how the next UN head will strengthen cooperation between the United Nations and regional organizations. Other countries, including Sierra Leone, wondered how the UN would execute its “zero tolerance” policy in a bid to end sexual abuse by peacekeepers in conflict-torn countries such as the Central African Republic.

A representative from Rwanda, who complained that “the conflict” raged in a regular pattern, particularly in Africa,” asked Helen Clark, one of the nine candidates and former prime minister of New Zealand, what measures she would take to reverse the trend.

Riyad Mansour, the permanent observer of Palestine to the United Nations, asked the candidates how they would end the Isareli-Palestinian conflict.

Small island countries, on the other hand, said they have been haunted by the impact of climate change. “What would you do to make sure countries take actions to stop catastrophic climate change?” a child asked via video.

Meanwhile, Brazil, Germany, India and Japan, which form the Group of Four (G4), asked most of the nine candidates about how he or she would reform the UN Security Council, the most powerful body in the UN family. Each of the G4 aspire to become permanent members.

There were also questions related to gender equality, human rights, sustainable development, the UN budget, UN management and UN peacekeeping operations.

Mogens Lykketoft, President of the UN General Assembly, told reporters that the event is just a “starting point” in the process of selecting the next UN secretary-general.

“I am surprised by the large number of countries and members of civil society coming forward to ask questions,” Lykketoft said. “It’s more than I expected.”

At this moment, there is still no public comments either by diplomats or senior UN officials on the performance of the nine candidates. People here at the United Nations are still arguing whether gender or geographical rotation should be the only criteria for the selection of the new top diplomat in the world.

But a key question remains: what impact will the open interviews have on the final decision by the UN Security Council, the 15-nation UN body which has the final say in deciding who will be the next UN chief?

Under the UN Charter, the secretary-general is chosen by the 193-member General Assembly on the recommendation of the 15-member Security Council.

In practice, this has meant that the council’s five permanent members, namely Britain, China, France, the United States and Russia, have veto power over the candidates. That will not change in deciding who succeeds Ban.

FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION, global, United Nations,

Annual Report of The Elders

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Excerpts from the section for a “Stronger UN” in the Annual Report of the The Elders and excerpts from their proposal “Four Ideas to Save the Peace.” The Elders are a small, dedicated group of individuals including former Heads of State and former Heads of International Organizations convened by Nelson Mandela in 2007 to use their collective experience and influence to help tackle some of the most pressing problems facing the world today.

In 2015, The Elders launched a major new initiative aimed at strengthening the United Nations in its core responsibility for the preservation of peace and security worldwide. . . The Elders’ proposals were publicly launched at the Munich Security Conference in early February before a large audience of top government officials and parliamentarians from around the world. After the presentation, the Elders – Martti Ahtisaari, Kofi Annan, Gro Harlem Brundtland, and Graça Machel – held a series of private bilateral meetings with other delegations. An Op-Ed signed by Kofi Annan and Gro Brundtland which outlined “Four Ideas to Save the Peace” was published simultaneously in nine countries, in different languages. The Elders participated in five meetings on different aspects of the subject in New York alone (three of them well-attended events at UN Headquarters). . .

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The Elders grouped around Nelson Mandela. Left to right: Graca Machel, Fernando Cardoso, Desmond Tutu, Jimmy Carter, Mary Robinson, Kofi Annan, Gro Harlem Brundlandt, Martti Ahtisaari, Eli Bhatt and Lakhdar Brahimi.

Click on photo to enlarge

Together with Liechtenstein, a close ally for this initiative, in early September, The Elders convened a private meeting in Vaduz of active and retired senior officials with first-hand knowledge of the Security Council. The subsequent report was disseminated in New York to all UN delegations in September and was later the subject of a meeting at the UN Headquarters at which Lakhdar Brahimi spoke. . . .

It is clear that The Elders have acted as a catalyst for intergovernmental action at the UN with respect to the Secretary-General selection process. Their leadership has been frequently cited by civil society activists in this and other areas of proposed reform such as restraint by the five permanent members of the Security Council in the use of their veto powers in cases of mass atrocities and expansion of the Council to bring in new semi-permanent members. This last proposal is aimed at breaking the deadlock of the past two decades in intergovernmental negotiations at the UN which has stymied progress towards making the Council more democratic and representative of today’s world. In the coming year, The Elders aim to build on the solid achievements of 2015 under this initiative. . . .

(Article continued in the column on the right)

Questions related to this article:

Where in the world can we find good leadership today?

(Article continued from the column on the left)

FOUR IDEAS TO SAVE THE PEACE

1. A new category of members [of the UN Security Council] . . .

Let the states which aspire to permanent membership accept instead, at least for the time being, election to a new category of membership, which would give them a much longer term than the two years served by the non-permanent members, and to which they could be immediately re-elected when that term expires. This would enable them to become de facto permanent members, but in a more democratic way, since it would depend on them continuing to enjoy the confidence of other member states. By making the Council more democratic, this change would increase its legitimacy in the eyes of the world, thereby enhancing its authority and so also making it more effective.

2. A pledge from permanent members [of the UN Security Council] . . .

We therefore call on the five existing permanent members to pledge themselves to greater and more persistent efforts to find common ground, especially in crises where populations are being subjected to, or threatened with, genocide or other atrocity crimes. States making this pledge will undertake not to use, or threaten to use, their veto in such crises without explaining, clearly and in public, what alternative course of action they propose, as a credible and efficient way to protect the populations in question. This explanation must refer to international peace and security, and not to the national interest of the state casting the veto, since any state casting a veto simply to protect its national interests is abusing the privilege of permanent membership. And when one or more permanent members do feel obliged to cast a veto, and do provide such an explanation, the others must undertake not to abandon the search for common ground but to make even greater efforts to agree on an effective course of action.

3. A voice for civil society [in the UN Security Council] . . .

We call on all members of the Security Council to make more regular and systematic use of the “Arria formula” (under which, in the last two decades, Security Council members have had meetings with a wide variety of civil society organisations), to give groups representing people in zones of conflict the greatest possible opportunity to inform and influence Council decisions. At present, meetings under the Arria formula are too often attended only by junior officials, whose reports can easily be ignored. In future, we call on the heads of the delegations of all countries serving on the Security Council, including the permanent members, to attend all meetings held under this formula in person. Members of the Council must use such meetings to ensure that their decisions are informed by full and clear knowledge of the conditions in the country or region concerned, and of the views of those most directly affected.

4. A more independent Secretary-General

We call on the General Assembly to insist that the Security Council recommend more than one candidate for appointment as the Secretary-General of the United Nations, after a timely, equitable and transparent search for the best qualified candidates, irrespective of gender or regional origin. We suggest that the next Secretary-General be appointed for a single, non-renewable term of seven years, in order to strengthen his or her independence and avoid the perception that he or she is guided by electoral concerns. She or he must not be under pressure, either before or after being appointed, to give posts in the Secretariat to people of any particular nationality in return for political support, since this is clearly contrary to the spirit of the Charter. This new process should be adopted without delay, so that the United Nations can make full use of it to choose the best person to assume the post in January 2017.

FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION, global

Building peace from Colombian universities

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An article from Fundacion Escuelas de Paz, reprinted by the Global Campaign for Peace Education

“Peacebuilders” is a program that seeks the integral formation of 1,200 university students in Colombia, involved in the scholarship program “Dreams of Peace” of Bancolombia Foundation, in knowledge, skills, abilities and attitudes conducive to building Cultures of Peace.

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Peacebuilders is carried out by Escuelas de Paz (Schools of Peace) Foundation based on the six components proposed by UNESCO in the 2000 manifesto for a culture of peace and non-violence. Also it works on the six pillars raised by the methodology of education for peace, known as “The Flower for the Culture of Peace”. Finally, as a transversal axis the Guiding Principles of UN Secretary General on the Participation of Youth in Peace Building were taken.

These participants will implement impact actions on their university communities through collective nonviolent actions that enable a more just society. Due to the national situation of peace talks between the government and the FARC guerrilla in Havana, Cuba, it was formed a group of 70 students leaders in building and advocacy of cultures of peace, historical memory and reconciliation, with capabilities for replication in the next semesters and to design and implement new actions for peace within the institutions in which they were formed.

In a first stage, 320 students have been trained in three cities in the country: Bogotá D.C, Cartagena y Manizales since July 2015. The scholarship program of Bancolombia Foundation is an initiative developed from the line of social management of Bancolombia, who have an interest in developing a program of high social impact, which aims to provide resources and conditions that allow students with specific characteristics as vulnerable conditions, to access to higher education in technical, technological and university programs nationwide.

Question(s) related to this article:
FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION, Latin America

USA: Father Daniel Berrigan, z’l dead at 94

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Distributed by email from Rabbi Michael Lerner, Tikkun Magazine

Daniel Berrigan was one of  the most inspiring figures of the anti-war and social justice movements of the past fifty years. He died on Saturday, April 30, 2016, and will be sorely missed by all of us who knew him. I was first introduced to him by my mentor Abraham Joshua Heschel in 1968 when he and Heschel and Martin Luther King had become prominent voices in the Clergy and Laity Against the War in Vietnam. He told me that he had been inspired by the civil disobedience and militant demonstrations that were sweeping the country in 1966-68, many of them led by Students for a Democratic Society (at the time I was chair of the University of California Berkeley chapter). . .

Berrigan

Over the course of the ensuing 48 years I was inspired by his activism and grateful for his support for Tikkun magazine. Heschel told me how very important Dan was for him–particularly in the dark days after Nixon had been elected and escalated the bombings in Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos. Those of us who were activists were particularly heartened by his willingness to publicly challenge the chicken-heartedness and moral obtuseness of religious leaders in the Catholic, Protestant and Jewish world who privately understood that the Vietnam war was immoral but who would not publicly condemn it and instead condemned the nonviolent activism of the anti-war movement because we were disobeying the law, burning our draft cards, disrupting the campus recruitment into the CIA and the ROTC, and blocking entrance into army recruitment centers and the Pentagon!

Here is a brief summary of Berrigan’s achievements as written for the Catholic magazine AMERICA   He co-founded the Catholic Peace Fellowship and the interfaith group Clergy and Laity Concerned about Vietnam, whose leaders included Martin Luther King Jr., Richard John Neuhaus and Abraham Joshua Heschel.

Berrigan regularly corresponded with Thomas Merton, Dorothy Day and William Stringfellow, among others. He also made annual trips to the Abbey of Gethsemani, Merton’s home, to give talks to the Trappist novices.

In Conjectures of a Guilty Bystander (1966), Merton described Berrigan as “an altogether winning and warm intelligence and a man who, I think, has more than anyone I have ever met the true wide- ranging and simple heart of the Jesuit: zeal, compassion, understanding, and uninhibited religious freedom. Just seeing him restores one’s hope in the Church.”

A dramatic year of assassinations and protests that shook the conscience of America, 1968 also proved to be a watershed year for Berrigan. In February, he flew to Hanoi, North Vietnam, with the historian Howard Zinn and assisted in the release of three captured U.S. pilots. On their first night in Hanoi, they awoke to an air-raid siren and U.S. bombs and had to find shelter.

As the United States continued to escalate the war, Berrigan worried that conventional protests had little chance of influencing government policy. His brother, Philip, then a Josephite priest, had already taken a much greater risk: In October 1967, he broke into a draft board office in Baltimore and poured blood on the draft files.

Undeterred at the looming legal consequences, Philip planned another draft board action and invited his younger brother to join him. Daniel agreed.

On May 17, 1968, the Berrigan brothers joined seven other Catholic peace activists in Catonsville, Md., where they took several hundreds of draft files from the local draft board and set them on fire in a nearby parking lot, using homemade napalm. Napalm is a flammable liquid that was used extensively by the United States in Vietnam.

Daniel said in a statement, “Our apologies, good friends, for the fracture of good order, the burning of paper instead of children, the angering of the orderlies in the front parlor of the charnel house. We could not, so help us God, do otherwise.”

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Question(s) related to this article:

Where in the world can we find good leadership today?

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Berrigan was tried and convicted for the action. When it came time for sentencing, however, he went underground and evaded the Federal Bureau of Investigation for four months.

“I knew I would be apprehended eventually,” he told America in an interview in 2009, “but I wanted to draw attention for as long as possible to the Vietnam War and to Nixon’s ordering military action in Cambodia.”

The F.B.I. finally apprehended him on Block Island, R.I., at the home of theologian William Stringfellow, in August 1970. He spent 18 months in Danbury federal prison, during which he and Philip appeared on the cover of Time magazine.

The brothers, lifelong recidivists, were far from finished.

On Sept. 9, 1980, Daniel and Philip joined seven others in busting into the General Electric missile plant in King of Prussia, Pa., where they hammered on an unarmed nuclear weapon—the first Plowshares action. They faced 10 years in prison for the action but were sentenced to time served.

In his courtroom testimony at the Plowshares trial, Berrigan described his daily confrontation with death as he accompanied the dying at St. Rose Cancer Home in New York City. He said the Plowshares action was connected with this ministry of facing death and struggling against it. In 1984, he began working at St. Vincent’s Hospital, New York City, where he ministered to men and women with H.I.V.-AIDS.

“It’s terrible for me to live in a time where I have nothing to say to human beings except, ‘Stop killing,’” he explained at the Plowshares trial. “There are other beautiful things that I would love to be saying to people.”

In 1997 he was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize.

Berrigan’s later years were devoted to Scripture study, writing, giving retreats, correspondence with friends and admirers, mentorship of young Jesuits and peace activists, and being an uncle to two generations of Berrigans. He published several biblical commentaries that blended scholarship with pastoral reflection and poetic wit.

“Berrigan is evidently incapable of writing a prosaic sentence,” biblical scholar Walter Brueggemann wrote in a review of Berrigan’s Genesis (2006). “He imitates his creator with his generative word that calls forth linkages and incongruities and opens spaces that bewilder and dazzle and summon the reader.”

From 1976 to 2012, Berrigan was a member of the West Side Jesuit Community, later the Thompson Street Jesuit Community, in New York City. During those years, he helped lead the Kairos Community, a group of friends and activists dedicated to Scripture study and nonviolent direct action.

Even as an octogenarian, Berrigan continued to protest, turning his attention to the U.S. wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, the prison in Guantánamo Bay and the Occupy Wall Street movement. Friends remember Berrigan as courageous and creative in love, a person of integrity who was willing to pay the price, a beacon of hope and a sensitive and caring friend.

(This summary of one part of his achievements was written by Luke Hansen, S.J., a former associate editor of America, now a student at the Jesuit School of Theology of Santa Clara University, Berkeley, Calif.).

We at Tikkun magazine, the voice of Jewish progressives, liberals, radicals and anti-capitalist non-violent revolutionaries, will deeply mourn the loss of our brother Daniel Berrigan. Dan was a true spiritual progressive, and it was a great honor for us when he joined the Advisory Board of the Network of Spiritual Progressives. His memory will always be a blessing (z’l=zeycher tzadik liv’racha).
–Rabbi Michael Lerner

FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION, North America

2016 World Press Freedom Index ­– leaders paranoid about journalists

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An article from Reporters without Borders

Most of the movement in the World Press Freedom Index unveiled today by Reporters Without Borders is indicative of a climate of fear and tension combined with increasing control over newsrooms by governments and private-sector interests.

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The 2016 World Press Freedom Index reflects the intensity of the attacks on journalistic freedom and independence by governments, ideologies and private-sector interests during the past year.

Seen as a benchmark throughout the world, the Index ranks 180 countries according to the freedom allowed journalists. It also includes indicators of the level of media freedom violations in each region. These show that Europe (with 19.8 points) still has the freest media, followed distantly by Africa (36.9), which for the first time overtook the Americas (37.1), a region where violence against journalists is on the rise. Asia (43.8) and Eastern Europe/Central Asia (48.4) follow, while North Africa/Middle East (50.8) is still the region where journalists are most subjected to constraints of every kind.

Three north European countries head the rankings. They are Finland (ranked 1st, the position it has held since 2010), Netherlands (2nd, up 2 places) and Norway (3rd, down 1). The countries that rose most in the Index include Tunisia (96th, up 30), thanks to a decline in violence and legal proceedings, and Ukraine (107th, up 22), where the conflict in the east of the country abated.
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(Click here for the French version of this article or click here for the Spanish version.)

Question(s) related to this article:

Free flow of information, How is it important for a culture of peace?

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The countries that fell farthest include Poland (47th, down 29), where the ultra-conservative government seized control of the public media, and (much farther down) Tajikistan, which plunged 34 places to 150th as a result of the regime’s growing authoritarianism. The Sultanate of Brunei (155th, down 34) suffered a similar fall because gradual introduction of the Sharia and threats of blasphemy charges have fuelled self-censorship. Burundi (156th, down 11) fell because of the violence against journalists resulting from President Pierre Nkurunziza’s contested reelection for a third term. The same “infernal trio” are in the last three positions: Turkmenistan (178th), North Korea (179th) and Eritrea (180th).

“It is unfortunately clear that many of the world’s leaders are developing a form of paranoia about legitimate journalism,”[ according to] RSF secretary-general Christophe Deloire “The climate of fear results in a growing aversion to debate and pluralism, a clampdown on the media by ever more authoritarian and oppressive governments, and reporting in the privately-owned media that is increasingly shaped by personal interests. Journalism worthy of the name must be defended against the increase in propaganda and media content that is made to order or sponsored by vested interests. Guaranteeing the public’s right to independent and reliable news and information is essential if humankind’s problems, both local and global, are to be solved.”

Published annually by RSF since 2002, the World Press Freedom Index is an important advocacy tool based on the principle of emulation between states. Because it is now so well known, its influence over the media, governments and international organizations is growing.

The Index is based on an evaluation of media freedom that measures pluralism, media independence, the quality of the legal framework and the safety of journalists in 180 countries. It is compiled by means of a questionnaire in 20 languages that is completed by experts all over the world. This qualitative analysis is combined with quantitative data on abuses and acts of violence against journalists during the period evaluated.

The Index is not an indicator of the quality of the journalism in each country, nor does it rank public policies even if governments obviously have a major impact on their country’s ranking.

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It’s Campaign Season for UN Secretary General…And It Is Pretty Radical

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An article by Mark Leon Goldberg, UN Dispatch

The race to become the next UN Secretary General just got slightly more crowded yesterday [April 5] when Helen Clark, former New Zealand prime minister and the current head of the UN Development Program, tossed her hat in the ring. Clark is one of the higher profile of the eight declared candidates. She is the fourth woman in the field and the only non-European to enter the race so far.

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What makes her entry into the race particularly interesting is this straightforward video of her announcing her candidacy. It is the latest manifestation of just how radically new this process is to select a UN secretary general.

For the first time ever there will be a public campaign in the race to become the next UN Secretary General.

In the 70 years of United Nations, each of the eight Secretaries General were selected behind closed doors. Those doing the selecting were the five permanent members of the Security Council: the USA, Russia, the UK, France and China. Those countries would select a man to represent the United Nations and then the General Assembly, which is made up of all UN member states, would rubber stamp the pick.

This time around is wholly different. First, to be considered for the job, each candidate must first be nominated by their country. The process for doing so is straightforward: the country sends the nominating letter to the President of the General Assembly, who posts the candidates’ nominating letters and resumes to this website.

Now, for the first time in 70 years the general public knows exactly who is in the running for UN Secretary General. This counts as radical: even that modest amount of transparency was never really in the cards before.

The declared candidates as of April 4 (minus Helen Clark) and the dates they entered the race.

Dr. Srgjan Kerim, 30 December 2015
Prof. Dr. sc. Vesna Pusic, 14 January 2016
Dr. Igor Luksic, 15 January 2016
Dr. Danilo Turk, 9 February 2016
Ms. Irina Bokova, 11 February 2016
Ms. Natalia German, 19 February 2016
Mr. Antonio Guterres, 29 Febuary 2016

Because the process is open, there is a degree of public campaigning that has never existed. Candidates will be forced to go on the record with their positions on various key global issues. Their performance as communicators, diplomats and politicians will be evaluated by the press, the public, and all UN member states.

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(Click here for the original Spanish of this aricle.)

Question(s) related to this article:

Can the UN help move the world toward a culture of peace?

(Article continued from left column)

On April 12, 13, and 14 each candidate will submit to two hours of questioning from the General Assembly. The President of the General Assembly, Mogens Lykketoft of Denmark, is presiding over the affair. For two hours, each candidate will be put on the spot by member states. Not only will their answers be judged on the merits, but their effectiveness as communicators will be tested as well.

And because this has never been done before, no one really knows what kinds of questions will be asked. Will groups of countries, like the EU, band together to ask the same questions to each candidate? Will it result in high minded discussions of the future of the UN? Will individual countries use their moment at the mic to score petty domestic political points? The answer is that we have absolutely no clue. That’s what makes this moment so interesting for UN watchers–the theater is not only in the answers given, but the questions asked. Also, questions will not only come from member states, but also from the NGO community and civil society, which has been invited to participate in this vetting.

Then, later in the week, the Guardian is holding town-hall style debate in New York in which journalists and the public can pose questions to the candidates. (Questions from the public are being solicited here.) Later in the Spring, a similar event will take place in London.

The Security Council is expected to begin its deliberations in July. To be sure, as in year’s past the candidate must find favor (or at least not be vetoed) by each of the five permanent members. The Security’s Council’s selection is then passed along to the General Assembly for a final vote.

But unlike year’s past, each member of the General Assembly — and the public at large — will have had the opportunity to vet the candidates. The candidate will need to prove her or his worth well before the final selection this summer.

(Thank you to Janet Hudgins, the CPNN reporter for this article.)

FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION, global, United Nations,

Guantanamo could be turned from a war facility to a peace park

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Based on an article by Joe Roman and James Kraska in Science magazine

As US president Obama makes a visit to Cuba, the following opinion has been published by Science, the journal of the American Association for the Advancement of Science: “The United States should deliver on President Obama’s recent plan to close the military prison at U.S. Naval Station Guantánamo Bay and repurpose the facilities into a state-of-the-art marine research institution and peace park, a conservation zone to help resolve conflicts between the two countries. This model, designed to attract both sides . . . could unite Cuba and the United States in joint management, rather than serve as a wedge between them, while helping meet the challenges of climate change, mass extinction, and declining coral reefs.”

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Mangroves dot Guantánamo Bay with the U.S. naval base airstrip seen in the distance. Photo by Luke Frazza/AFP/Getty Images

The authors are Joe Roman, a conservation biologist at Vermont University and James Kraska, a law professor at the US Naval War College.

They suggest it could become ” ‘a “Woods Hole of the Caribbean,” housing research and educational facilities dedicated to addressing climate change, ocean conservation, and biodiversity loss.”

Both Cuba and the United States have strong interests in preserving the marine environment. The Woods Hole Marine Biological Laboratory, located on Cape Cod in the United States, is recognized as one of the leading scientific institutions of its typle in the world. And, according to the authors, Cuba has taken strong measures to preserve its coral reefs and coastal waters since the 1992 Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro, They have developed “extensive protected areas, a constitution with strong environmental provisions, and an aggressive stance on climate change, putting it at the center of Caribbean conservation efforts. It has established the largest marine park in the Caribbean, the Jardines de la Reina (Gardens of the Queen), with abundant sharks and groupers.”

Tha authors place their proposal in the context of peace parks: “The world’s first peace park is the Water-ton-Glacier International Peace Park on the border of Canada and the United States, a symbol of goodwill between the countries. There have been successful transitions from military bases and conflict zones in other countries. After the United States left Fort Clayton to Panama, for example, part of the base was transformed into Ciudad de Saber (City of Knowledge), a government-sponsored complex that has attracted international scholars and the United Nations Development Program. Although the future of land along the corridor of the former Iron Curtain is uncertain, the European Green Belt initiative could transform the continent and help species such as lynx, brown bears, and imperial eagles recover. Such international parks are signs that humans can respect each other, even after conflicts, and protect other species that share our planet.”

They conclude that “the Guantánamo peace park and research center would encourage nations to convert military bases and conflict zones into areas of creativity, cooperation, and biodiversity conservation. For the next generation, the name Guantánamo could become associated with redemption and efforts to preserve and repair international relations and the planet.”

Question(s) related to this article:

Peace parks: Are they promoting peace?

See also The Contribution of Transfrontier Peace Parks to Peace in Southern Africa.

FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION, North America

Colombia: National Meeting on Education for Peace

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Presentation of the final report

Thinking about Education for Peace is the fruit of the National Conference on Education for Peace, held in Colombia on 1 and 2 October 2015. In this gathering there emerged ways of building and living life, led by youth, women, men weaving their daily lives amid resilient and creative practices that challenge and redefine the imaginary and cultural references that have sustained various types of violence.

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The National Meeting on Education for Peace, was undertaken with the following objectives: 1) to articulate experiences and facilitate exchange of knowledge on education for peace among different actors and sectors of society from the perspectives of education for peace and building cultures of peace; 2) Generate a reflection with a broad spectrum on the challenges that the current situation presents to education for peace, in both social organizations and educational institutions at all levels, and 3 ) Promote a consensus to generate public policies in education for peace.

We have considered it essential to collect the experience of the National Meeting on Education for Peace. Therefore, we set out to investigate the question: What is the agenda of peace education that was proposed at the national meeting? Of course it is ambitious goal to record all the wealth, conversations, practices, concerns, desires and diversity of this meeting. However, this report, Thinking about Peace Education, aims to highlight the main commitments emerging from the many conversations that took place on 1 and 2 October at the National Meeting on Education for Peace. Therefore, we have structured this publication as follows:

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(Click here for the original Spanish of this aricle.)

Question(s) related to this article:

What is happening in Colombia, Is peace possible?

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CROSSROADS, to account for the genesis of this meeting and its coordinates in the processes of peace building, which for more than two decades have been promoting different actors in Colombia, in the context of education for peace, from the convergence of diverse, new synergies, dynamics and actors scenarios evidence.

METHOD, to account for the methodological proposal for the meeting, which involved 652 assistants, from twenty departments, representatives of two hundred eighty organizations that take actions for peace education.

COMMITMENTS for peace education, to account for the hopes and commitments that emerged at the National Meeting on Education for Peace, from a reading exercise of the conversations were in the meeting and can guide actions and processes different scenarios.

SOME PROPOSALS to account for proposals for concrete actions that emerged in several of the workshops. The actions are grouped into several areas: social mobilization, generation and strengthening of public policy, university chairs for peace, human rights education and administrative and institutional framework.

OTHER PERSPECTIVES, to account for reflections and perspectives by the foreign and domestic guests at the National Meeting on Education for Peace: The professors Alicia Cabezudo, Rosa Ludy Arias Campos, Marina Caireta Sampero, Janet Gerson, David Adams, and Carlos Eduardo Martinez Hincapie, wanted to bring some elements from what they felt and observed in relation to their own experiences and studies on education for peace.
This publication was edited by a group of people from several of the founding organizations of the National Conference on Education for Peace, who collected the agreements and proposals from the table convenors in order to guide the methodological and systematic processes.

We hope this publication Thinking about Peace Education will be a contribution to building cultures of peace in Colombia, as an effort to contribute to the many initiatives and processes that are interwoven in the search for a country reconciled and peaceful.

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Africa’s Contribution to the Global Movement for a Culture of Peace

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An article by David Adams in The Thinker abbreviated and reprinted by permission (full article available by subscription)

At the end of the Cold War, during the 1990’s UNESCO, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, embarked on an ambitious project called “the culture of peace.” It was conceived as a radical change in the very nature of human civilization, as a transition from the culture of war that has characterized most societies for thousands of years, to a new and universal culture free from the scourge of war. . .

Adams
Illustration of article from The Thinker (copyright ZainDee)

Unfortunately, for many years after a change in leadership at UNESCO, there was little support for the culture of peace. In fact, there was opposition. Exceptionally, however, the Africa Department of UNESCO has recently again taken up the challenge. With UNESCO support, Angola hosts an annual conference for the culture of peace, formally endorsed by the African Union, and networks of African women, youth and research institutions for a culture of peace have been established.

[To escape from the culture of war, we need consciousness, methodologies and institutions for a culture of peace.]

Culture of Peace Consciousness

. . . the Culture of Peace News Network (CPNN: www.cpnn-world.org) [tells] what is happening around the world to promote a culture of peace. The more people read and discuss these articles, the more they will see that a culture of peace is not only possible, but the seeds for it are being planted every day and around the world. . .

Africa is the leading continent of the world for peace education and media for peace. Almost every month we have new articles in CPNN about initiatives in this regard. . .

Consciousness is important. In fact, in the long run it is the basis for historical change. However, it is not enough. We need to develop methodologies and institutions that can replace those of the culture of war.

Culture of Peace Methodologies

. . . In this regard, Africa has already shown its leadership in recent years with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa and the Gacaca in Rwanda, enabling Africans to overcome bitter conflicts and enter a path of reconciliation. These processes have been based on the ancient, pre-colonial practices of conflict transformation, often known as the Palabra, the word, as well as the African tradition of Ubuntu, “I am because you are.” . .

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Question(s) related to this article:

Where in the world can we find good leadership today?

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Culture of Peace Institutions

. . . During the transition period in South Africa following Nelson Mandela’s release from prison, as part of the National Peace Accord, a broad set of regional and local peace committees were established that united representatives from political organizations, trade unions, business, churches, police and security forces to resolve disputes at local and regional levels.

The work of the regional and local peace committees was at the heart of the Accord. It directly engaged people in conflict management on a grass roots level throughout the country. At their peak, there were 11 regional committees and over one hundred local peace committees, with an annual budget of almost $12 million which enabled the hiring of full time staff for regional offices.

Unfortunately, the system of regional and local peace committees was not continued on an independent basis once elections took place and a government of national reconciliation was installed. . .

Elsewhere in the world, there have also been attempts to establish regional and local peace committees. . .

Networking

The world has not yet arrived at the point of establishing regional networks of culture of peace institutions in cities, towns and regions. There simply are not yet enough such institutions. But if a culture of peace is to succeed in replacing the culture of war, this next step will be essential.

I hope that as a result of this article, I will make contact with Africans who are developing local peace commissions in Africa, and that Africa can take a leading role with a regional network of such commissions.

Conclusion

We have seen here that Africa has already made major contributions to the key elements of the global movement for a culture of peace that are needed to make the transition from the culture of war. Africa is the leading continent of the world for peace education and media for peace, contributing to the consciousness that a culture of peace is possible. African methodologies for conflict resolution are exemplary. And, although they were not continued, the regional and local peace committees of the National Peace Accord in South Africa provided a model for the institutionalization of culture of peace that we need in the future.

Historically, Africa may be in a good position to take a leadership role in the global movement, because in the course of history, with the exception of the ancient empires of Egypt, Africans did not develop culture of war empires and states to the same extent that they were developed in other continents. And the rich tradition of Pan-Africanism provides an alternative model to that of empires and states. A Pan-African union could be based on a culture of peace rather than culture of war. It would be within the tradition of peace-building by Nelson Mandela. And it would fulfill the dream of that great African-American, W.E.B. Dubois, which he shared at the end of his life with Kwame Nkrumah and the people of Ghana, an Africa at peace with itself and the world.

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Africa: How to Achieve the Freedom Promised

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An article by Nestor Bidadanure in The Thinker abbreviated and reprinted by permission (full article available by subscription)

What is the main ideological factor that has led to so much violence around the question of identity in post-colonial Africa? Can the concept of culture of peace contribute to the establishment of lasting peace in Africa? And, if so, how?

Nestor
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The legacy of freedom

“Each generation must, with little help from the past, discover its mission, fulfill or betray it” said Frantz Fanon in his book “Wretched of the Earth,” which was written in 1961 and which had a strong influence on the political consciousness of anti-colonial and Third World activists in his time. If we compare ourselves to the generations that have lived through slavery, colonization and apartheid, we can say with some caution, that the political reality of the African continent has generally improved today. The laws that legitimized the inequality and justified the occupation of territories of peoples of different cultures have been abolished. African leaders who are progressive have overcome the identity manipulations imposed by colonialism; they have unified the freedom fighters of their own country, organized pan- African solidarity, and promoted international solidarity with other peoples struggling for freedom. Despite the political and economic violence that many African peoples still experience, we should not forget the victories over oppression. Thanks to the peoples’ struggles, significant economic and social rights have been achieved in much of the continent. Human rights and gender equality have emerged to a certain extent from the ruins of discriminatory laws. We must remember that no right is natural: each area of freedom we enjoy today is the result of the epic battles in the past by peoples for justice and human dignity. The promise of freedom is the fruit of resistance.

In addition to the culture of resistance, we are also heirs to values and techniques of peaceful conflict resolution. In the face of tragedies such as apartheid, the genocide in Rwanda and the war in Mozambique, the African people have tapped into their ancient culture to break the impasse and reconcile those who have been bitter enemies.

Thanks to the legacy of the freedom fighters of yesterday, we can look ahead today with optimism and say with certainty that a better Africa is possible. In fact the major challenge of our generation is not to begin the story, but to keep it going, not allowing it to be stopped at midpoint of the long road traveled by the generations who preceded us in the struggle for freedom. For as long as war and poverty continue in even the smallest part of the African continent, the freedom promised by the fathers of Pan-Africanism will require other heroes to ensure its fulfillment. As long as people lack freedom somewhere in the world, no one of us can feel completely free.

Therefore, the mission of our generation, post-colonial and post-apartheid is the struggle for a lasting peace in Africa. To do this, it is essential to first understand the belief system that continues to enable the poverty and violence linked to identity in our continent. In other words, we must identify the major obstacle to the emergence of an Africa that is free, democratic and inclusive for which previous generations have struggled. An Africa where peace is no longer a dream but a reality.

It is our point of view that most of the political and economic violence suffered by the African peoples today is rooted in a system of thought we call the Radical Identity Populism (abbreviated PIR). So what is PIR and how can the concept of culture of peace serve as an antithesis to the prejudices that serve as its backbone?

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(Click here for a French version of this article.)

Question(s) related to this article:

Where in the world can we find good leadership today?

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Radical Identity Populism

. . . In Africa, the decolonization in the legal sense has not been followed by an ideological break with the colonial model of governance by some of the political elite. Violence against the people has been perpetuated beyond independence. While the enemy for the colonialists was those who sought independence, now for the post-colonial elite who have not been mentally liberated from colonial prejudices, the new enemy has become the “other” who is perceived to be different. Discrimination against the colonized peoples has been replaced by discrimination against other ethnic groups, against other religions, against people from other regions, against foreigners … The colonial practice of divide and rule is continued today as the favorite political weapon of extremist elites. The phenomenon of crimes against humanity such as genocide of Tutsis in Rwanda in 1994, the ethnic massacres in Burundi in 1993, the fratricidal war in Southern Sudan, the mass crimes orchestrated by the army of the lord, the LRA in Uganda and the DRC, the war waged by the radical Islamist organizations al-Shabab in Somalia, Boko Haram in Nigeria, Al Qaeda and the Islamist state in Libya, North Africa and Mali are all rooted in theorized system of thought that legitimize extreme violence. . . It is against this phenomenon of Radical Identity Populism that the new generation of freedom fighters must struggle if someday Africa is to live in peace with herself.

By populism, we mean the political demagoguery expressed through the discourse of hate against others who are different. . . By identity, we mean the manipulation of real or perceived differences for the purpose of gaining or maintaining power. . . By radical, we mean the will to exterminate the other who is different. . .

Towards an Africa in peace

The Culture of Peace is not a closed concept. It is a concept that is integrated with the elements of the peoples’ traditions for the peaceful resolution of conflicts and the diffusion of he values of peace. From this point of view, the philosophy of Ubuntu, the tradition of the Ubushingantahe in Burundi, the traditional and participatory justice of the Agacaca in Rwanda are all components of the Culture of Peace. Let us now consider the key constituents of the Culture of Peace in relation to the African situation.

1- Respect for life, for the human person and for his rights. . .

2-Access of all citizens to economic and social rights . . .

3- Peaceful conflict resolution and reconciliation . . .

4. Equality between men and women and the inclusion of diversity . . .

5- Democracy and freedom of expression . . .

6. Respect for the environment . . .

Conclusion

The Culture of Peace should be considered and taught as an ideal that ties together and strengthens that which has been torn apart. It is the antithesis of Radical Identity Populism, a theory of inclusion and reconciliation with which we can achieve the freedom promised, an Africa at peace with herself and with the world. It considers the differences within a nation to be a precious resource. It reminds us that there is no national identity except the diversity, both cultural and human, of all its citizens. The Culture of Peace demands all the human rights for all the people, because, as always, it is poverty and ignorance that continue to provide the fertile soil for the growth of identity demagogy.

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