Category Archives: HUMAN RIGHTS

Defending Hope against Fear and Repression in Honduras

. HUMAN RIGHTS .

An article by David A. Sylvester for Tikkun

 You may have seen the photographs of the violent protests here in the capital of Honduras when the right-wing candidate Juan Orlando Hernández installed himself as president two weeks ago after manipulating the November election in his favor.  For hours, the opposition demonstrators appeared like dark forms in the grey haze of tear gas as they faced off against three types of police and soldier.

But you probably never saw a more important event the next night: an interfaith vigil and demonstration calling for national dialogue and a peaceful return to a constitutional government. In spite of the confrontations of previous day, more than 500 Hondurans streamed onto the Avenida La Paz directly in front of the bunker of a U.S. Embassy and freely shouted in defiance to those in the building, with an appeal to the lines of police and soldiers guarding it and, perhaps equally important, to strengthen hope in each other.


Video of Non-Violent Demonstration Outside the U.S. Embassy in Honduras

Speaker after speaker railed against the stolen presidential election, the crisis of militarization in Honduras, and the disaster of this slow social strangulation supported by the United States. In the street, Hondurans sang and danced and cried with grief for the wounded and dead at the hands of the military.  For a moment, even surrounded by the machinery of repression, the gathering became a cathartic fiesta of freedom.

By all accounts, this moment of free speech and assembly was possible because of the presence of a delegation of some 50 interfaith and peace activists, largely from the United States. We stood between phalanx of police and army soldiers in front of the U.S. embassy and the crowds of Hondurans on the street.

The police and military did not attack with tear gas and long wooden clubs called garrotes as they had attacked the demonstrations the day before. Apparently, the newly installed government, dependent on the U.S. government aid, decided it was unwise, or at least bad public relations, to attack the peaceful presence of U.S. citizens.

Most remarkable of all, we witnessed what is really possible in Honduras, the kind of dialogue, in embryo, that could heal this wounded, battered and traumatized country; a national dialogue that includes all segments of the society and searches for solutions to the endemic poverty, violence and social inequality so prevalent in Honduras.

Instead of being silenced by fear, many chanted the demand to end the repressive government of Hernández, known by his initials, JOH, and pronounced “Hoh.”

“Fuera JOH! Fuera JOH!”

(“Out, Hernández! Out!)

At times, the speakers appealed to the soldiers standing in the shadows between the shrubs on the sidewalks and the concrete facade of the embassy.

“You are our brothers!” shouted one speaker from the street.

“You have children and families! You have hearts like ours!”

The crowd roared in response:

“No matarás! No matarás”

(“Thou Shalt Not Kill! Thou Shalt Not Kill!”)
Occasionally, a few of the police responded to comments of the crowd with smiles and nods of heads of some of the demonstrators, and for a moment, it held the promise of reconciliation.

For most of the vigil, however, they stood stiff and impersonal behind face shields and helmets glistening in the street lights.

Underlying the joy and anger, there was ever-present grief. A white sheet was draped across the street with the names of those murdered and assassinated during the repression in protests since the November election.

Candles were lit in the street and on the barrier in front of the police lines. One woman held up the photo of her son, trying to shout his name when I asked above the noise, but only was able to say, “My son, my son…” before breaking down in tears. I could only listen, share her grief and give her my presence with the implicit message: “No está sola!”

Our delegation was unusual in that we were responding to an emergency appeal put out by Father Ismael Moreno, known as Padre Melo, one of the best known progressive leaders in Honduras, for international support during the week of national protests before the installation of Hernández. Melo is a Jesuit priest and director of radio station Radio Progreso, Honduras’ version of Democracy Now!, and located in historically progressive region about 320 kilometers northwest of the capital.

Since last December, Melo and the station staff has been receiving serious death threats. First, the station was knocked off the air for almost a week in the capital after the destruction of its transmitting antenna there during a night-time act of sabotage.

Two weeks later, just before New Year’s Eve, posters appeared one morning on the walls of the town of El Progreso naming Melo and others “El eje del mal en la perla del Ulúa.” –The ‘axis of evil’ in the “Pearl” of the River Ulúa, using a previous name for the town based on the nearby river.

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Questions related to this article:

How effective are mass protest marches?

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Then an equally serious death threat came on Jan. 20, within a week of the inauguration and just before our arrival. At night, pamphlets were thrown out of vehicles and left in public areas of the town claiming to identify  El circulo del terror de la Alianza – “the circle of terror of the Alliance” in Progreso. It showed the faces of 12 leading members of the opposition Alianza arranged like a clock, with Melo’s face the largest and at the twelve o’clock position on top.

This campaign of vilification evoked deeply painful memories from the decades of repression, death squads and assassinations in Honduras and throughout Central America.

Last year, Berta Caceres, an internationally known environmental activist in Honduras, was murdered in her home at 1 a.m. by intruders suspected to be linked to an elite U.S.-trained military intelligence unit. This murder, in spite of security guards assigned to her by the government, sent shock waves through progressive community in Honduras and internationally. (See 16 Days of Activism: Meet Bertha Zúñiga Cáceres, Honduras.)

There are numerous reports of a military plot or links to U.S.-trained soldiers.

Recognizing the imminent danger for all in the opposition coalition, the Alianza, Melo issued his urgent appeal for international support. Though the last-minute organizing of two Berkeley-based nonprofits, SHARE and the Interfaith Movement for Human Integrity,  a delegation was organized  and the 50 faith and peace activists — five times larger than expected — arrived at the airport in San Pedro Sula on Wednesday, Jan. 24, four days after the last death threat.

Jose Artiga, director of SHARE and a good friend of both Caceres and Melo, remembers that they used to joke, in a macabre way, wondering who would be killed first. ”It turned out to be Berta,” says Artiga. ”Now my single goal is this: Can we keep Padre Melo alive?”

At first, we didn’t know what to expect as we arrived at the San Pedro airport and went through two check-points of questioning by customs officials.  But we emerged into the main airport lobby to the cheers of a small crowd of supporters who opened their signs of protest and stretched out a black cloth bearing the faces of two dozen recent victims of the murder campaign targeting activists since the Nov. 26 “electoral coup,” as it’s been called.

Melo, a small bear of a man, came forward, beaming, and shaking hands and hugging us. He is shorter than many of us norteamericanos, and his relief was visible. To hug me, he laid his head on my chest like a son, a gesture of humility and gratitude for our presence here.

Certainly, a week of my time in the town of El Progreso is nothing compared to living under the threat of beatings or death, as Melo, the radio station and much of the population must live with day and night. Over 15 members of the station have received death threats, some repeatedly.

During a time of repression, death came come quickly, at night, as it did for Caceres and also, in 2014, for Carlos Mejia Orellana, the marketing manager for Radio Progresso. Or it came come slowly, as it did for some of the victims whose beaten faces stare out at us from the photographs at the airport.

During our week, we stayed close to Melo, the staff at Radio Progreso and attended some of the opposition protests as witnesses. We accompanied human rights observers between the two sides in some of the many road blockades, called a toma, or a taking of the street. Sometimes, we witnessed negotiations and other times, we witnessed the charge of police against the demonstrators.

Over the years, I have traveled to Central America for different reasons, but this was the first time that I was with a U.S.-based delegation directly intervening in a power conflict with whatever authority, or privilege, we could muster when the lives of the people who became our friends depend on the conflict’s resolution.

I returned home with a troubled conscience, knowing how little we could actually do in the face of the disastrous policies of our government toward these countries. As we all know, the United States has aided, defended and profited from the horrific civil wars in Central America for 40 years — bloodbaths that have stained the American conscience with shame and dishonor.  The U.S. is now adding to this disgraceful legacy with its anti-immigration policies for those fleeing exactly those countries where U.S. policies have weighed heaviest.

Even though the American public discourse seems curiously silent on these realities, especially for the often overlooked Honduras, the reality of U.S. influence is a well-known international scandal. In 2005, British playwright Harold Pinter minced no words about the U.S. support for the right-wing dictatorships in Central America and elsewhere. In his address for the Nobel Prize for Literature.  Pinter said:

”Hundreds of thousands of deaths took place throughout these countries. Did they take place? And are they in all cases attributable to US foreign policy? The answer is yes they did take place and they are attributable to American foreign policy. But you wouldn’t know it.

”It never happened. Nothing ever happened. Even while it was happening it wasn’t happening. It didn’t matter. It was of no interest. The crimes of the United States have been systematic, constant, vicious, remorseless, but very few people have actually talked about them. You have to hand it to America. It has exercised a quite clinical manipulation of power worldwide while masquerading as a force for universal good. It’s a brilliant, even witty, highly successful act of hypnosis.”

Our delegation intends to provide eyes and ears to witness and remember. To Padre Melo and the journalists at Radio Progreso, our brief presence tells them: “No están solos.” You are not alone.

Pakistan: Asma Jahangir, Champion Of Human Rights, Critic Of Pak Army, Dies At 66

. HUMAN RIGHTS .

An article from New Delhi Television Limited

Leading Pakistani human rights advocate Asma Jahangir has died, her family said Sunday, in a major blow to the country’s embattled rights community. She was 66.

The lawyer and former UN special rapporteur died of cardiac arrest, according to her sister. “Unfortunately we have lost her,” Hina Jilani, also a prominent rights activist and lawyer, told AFP.


Pakistan’s top rights advocate Asma Jahangir braved death threats in her long career (AFP)

The lawyer and former UN special rapporteur died of cardiac arrest, according to her sister. “Unfortunately we have lost her,” Hina Jilani, also a prominent rights activist and lawyer, told AFP.

Funeral arrangements have yet to be announced, according to a statement by her daughter Munizae Jahangir, as the family waited for relatives to return to their hometown of Lahore.

Prime Minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi expressed grief at Asma Jahangir’s death, praising her contribution to upholding the rule of law and safeguarding human rights.

Ms Jahangir’s supporters and former opponents alike took to social media to offer their condolences and express shock at news of her death.

“Asma Jahangir was the bravest human being I ever knew. Without her the world is less,” wrote prominent Pakistani lawyer Salman Akram Raja.

“I and many others didn’t agree with some of her views. But she was a titan. And one of the brightest and bravest ever produced by this country,” wrote journalist Wajahat Khan on Twitter.

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Question for this article:

Where in the world can we find good leadership today?

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In 2014 Asma Jahangir received France’s highest civilian award and Sweden’s Right Livelihood Award, for her decades of rights work.

Few Pakistani rights activists have achieved the credibility of Ms Jahangir.She braved death threats, beatings and imprisonment to win landmark human rights cases while standing up to dictators.

Ms Jahangir also helped establish the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan.

The organisation made its name defending religious minorities and taking on highly charged blasphemy accusations along with “honour” killings — in which the victims, normally women, are murdered by a relative for bringing shame on the family.
 
There is still terrible violence against women, discrimination against minorities and near-slavery for bonded labourers, Ms Jahangir told AFP during an interview in 2014, but human rights have made greater strides in Pakistan than may be apparent.

“There was a time that human rights was not even an issue in this country. Then prisoners’ rights became an issue,” she said.

“Women’s rights was thought of as a Western concept. Now people do talk about women’s rights — political parties talk about it, even religious parties talk about it.”

Asma Jahangir secured a number of victories during her life, from winning freedom for bonded labourers from their “owners” through pioneering litigation, to a landmark court case that allowed women to marry of their own volition.

She was also an outspoken critic of the powerful military establishment, including during her stint as the first-ever female leader of Pakistan’s top bar association.

Ms Jahangir was arrested in 2007 by the government of then-military ruler Pervez Musharraf. In 2012 she claimed her life was in danger  from the feared Inter Services Intelligence spy agency.

Uruguay’s main trade union center plans massive mobilization to construct a culture of peace

…. HUMAN RIGHTS ….

An article from República

PIT CNT [Uruguay’s main trade union center] is planning a strike for the third week of February, with “massive” mobilization, where all social organizations will be called, not just trade unions, to demand the “construction of peace, tolerance and dialogue,” according to President Fernando Pereira.


Fernando Pereira

Hours before the stoppage in response to the acts of violence experienced in recent days, two femicides in four days of the year, the death of a police officer at the end of 2017, the brutal death of a taxi driver and the murder of a union leader, something that in Uruguay had not happened for a long time, President Fernando Pereira said that the society needs “a day of mourning and reflection. We are not asking others to reflect, we are going to reflect and we are mourning.”

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(Click here for a Spanish version of this article.)

Question related to this article:

What is the role of organized labor in the peace movement?

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“Given these events, the trade union movement decided to call for reflection and mourning as an immediate response,” he said. “We called for it immediately so no one could say we were trying to stretch a long weekend. The solution was to act immediately and to postpone the other proposals that are on the table “.

Among the measures to be taken, the first one is to convene the Extended National Representative Board of the Union in the first week of February, in order to plan a mobilization for the third week of that month.

“We hope to have organizations linked to human rights, to feminism, to different religious beliefs, to all the members of society that want to participate in a massive call to build a culture of peace, tolerance and dialogue, rather than settling conflict through violence,” said the president of the union.

He recalled that there were 33,000 complaints from women about violence, “which marks a problem we have as a society. We can not look with indifference at the things that are happening, when a teacher is being beaten by a mother, or when rural workers commit acts of violence towards workers who claim their rights.”

At the beginning of the general strike called by the PIT CNT, at the door of the company Viana Trasporte, where the trade unionist of the SUTCRA, Marcelo Silvera was assassinated in front of his partner and his son, dozens of people approached the facilities to make an escrache demonstration .

In front of the march, colleagues of the union carried a banner with an image of the victim, with the caption: “Marcelo Silvera Presente” and below the signature of the transport coordinator. The murderer of Silvera is serving a pre-trial detention while the trial against him is being prepared. Because it is an aggravated homicide, the person who fired the shots could receive a maximum penalty of 30 years in prison.

Martin Luther King Jr.’s Poor People’s Campaign Reborn

…. HUMAN RIGHTS ….

An article by Amy Goodman & Denis Moynihan in Democracy Now

Martin Luther King Jr. would have turned 89 years old this Jan. 15. Assassinated at the age of 39 on April 4, 1968, his much-too-short life forever changed America. Among the landmarks of his activism are the 1955 Montgomery bus boycott, ending segregation in public transportation; leading the 1963 March on Washington, where he delivered his famous “I Have a Dream” speech; the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act; and marching with sanitation workers in Memphis, where he declared in his last speech, delivered on the eve of his death, “I’ve been to the mountaintop.” Often overlooked are the increasingly radical policy positions King took in his last years, from speaking out against the Vietnam War to forging a multiracial Poor People’s Campaign that sought, as King said, “a radical redistribution of economic and political power.” Now, 50 years later, a coalition has formed anew to organize poor people in the United States into what King called “a new and unsettling force” to fight poverty and forge meaningful change.


Illustration from Nation of Change

This renewal, called “The Poor People’s Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival,” has an audacious agenda: “to challenge the evils of systemic racism, poverty, the war economy, ecological devastation and the nation’s distorted morality.” At the forefront is the Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II. Born just two days after the famous March on Washington, Barber grew up in the civil-rights movement. For over 10 years he served as president of the North Carolina NAACP, stepping down to lead this new campaign.

Back in 1968, King described the need for the Poor People’s Campaign, saying: “Millions of young people grow up in the sunlight of opportunity. But there is another America. And this other America has a daily ugliness about it that transforms ebulliency of hope into the fatigue of despair.”

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Question for this article:

What’s the message to us today from Martin Luther King, Jr.?

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Speaking this week on the “Democracy Now!” news hour, Rev. Barber reflected on how little has truly changed since King’s time: “Fifty years later, we have nearly 100 million poor and working poor people in this country, 14 million poor children. … Fifty years later, we have less voting rights protection than we had on August 6, 1965,” he said. “[Republicans] have filibustered fixing the Voting Rights Act now for over four years, over 1,700 days.”

“Every state where there’s high voter suppression,” Barber continued, “also has high poverty, denial of health care, denial of living wages, denial of labor union rights, attacks on immigrants, attacks on women.”

Barber says the answer is fusion politics: “We have black, we have white, we have brown, young, old, gay, straight, Jewish, Muslim, Christians, people of faith, people not of faith, who are coming together,” creating what he calls the “Third Reconstruction.” Part of this fusion includes reaching out to traditionally conservative Christians, like Minister Jonathan Wilson-Hartgrove. From a devout, white evangelical family, as a teen he served as a congressional page under South Carolina Republican Sen. Strom Thurmond, one of the fiercest segregationists of the modern era.

Wilson-Hartgrove heard William Barber preach, and has been a follower and a colleague ever since. The renewed Poor People’s Campaign is responding to poor, white evangelicals, Wilson-Hartgrove says: “These people who say, ‘Vote for me because I’m a good Christian leader’ are not serving your interests. You don’t have health care, you don’t have a living wage, because the same people who say they’re standing up for God and righteousness are, when they’re voting, voting against the interests of poor people, whether you’re black, white, brown or whatever.”

Barber sees transformation of the Deep South on the near horizon, but doesn’t claim it will be easy. Recent court victories against both racial and political gerrymandering in North Carolina will further empower African-Americans and other traditionally marginalized groups. But the real work will be done not in the courts, but in the streets.

Barber and Wilson-Hartgrove, along with the Rev. Liz Theoharis, co-director of the New York City-based Kairos Center for Religions, Rights, and Social Justice and co-chair of the modern-day Poor People’s Campaign, traveled to 15 states around the country in recent months, recruiting, organizing and training over 1,000 people. Barber said: “Our first action will be on the Monday after Mother’s Day. We’re going after 25,000 people engaging in civil disobedience over six weeks to launch a movement.” Their target: the U.S. Capitol and statehouses across the country.

Martin Luther King Jr. was robbed of life by a sniper’s bullet 50 years ago. But on this anniversary of his birth, this national holiday that people fought decades for, his vital work to empower the poor, lives on.

How Nonviolent Resistance Helps to Consolidate Gains for Civil Society after Democratization

…. HUMAN RIGHTS ….

An article by Markus Bayer, Felix S. Bethke, and Matteo Dressler for The International Center on Nonviolent Conflict

In July this year thousands of Polish citizens took to the streets to protest a judiciary reform they believed would threaten the democratic constitution of their country. During the protests, Solidarnosc leader and national hero Lech Walesa stated at a demonstration in Gdansk that it is now time to defend the democracy that they achieved through peaceful protests and civil disobedience in 1989. Consequently, President Duda felt compelled to use his veto and blocked the reform initiative put forward by the Polish conservative government: The Solidarnosc-Sheriff was back in town!


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Similarly, the people of Benin—who had initiated democratic change through civil resistance in 1990—acted as constitutional watchdogs in 2006 and 2016. Citizens rallied around the slogan of “don’t touch my constitution” when former presidents Kérékou and Boni tried to change the constitution to allow them to run for a third term in office.

In recent contributions to this blog, Maciej Bartkowski and Hardy Merriman discussed how nonviolent resistance (NVR) advances democratization and how it can assist to protect against democratic backsliding. This blog post, which offers a sneak preview of findings from a research project, focuses on if and how NVR campaigns can consolidate gains for civil society.

Civil Society Gains After Democratization

Our analysis, stemming from a research project on Nonviolent Resistance and Democratic Consolidation, is based on 101 democratic transitions that occurred within the time period of 1945 to 2006. Using data from the Varieties of Democracy Database we analyze improvements for civil society organizations (CSOs, i.e. interest groups, labor unions, religious organizations, social movements, and classic NGOs) after democratic transitions. We compare cases where democratization was induced by an NVR campaign (like Poland and Benin) with transition cases that did not feature an NVR campaign (i.e. violent or elite-led transitions). The four aspects of CSOs that we evaluate include: (1) independence from government, (2) freedom from repression, (3) consultation of CSOs for policymaking, and (4) participation in CSOs.

Figure 1 describes the results. The graphs show average scores for the different indicators across the two groups of cases (i.e. with NVR-induced transition and without) from one year before the democratic transition occurred until eight years after the transition. The indicators were standardized so that higher values indicate better prospects for CSOs.


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As shown in figure 1, NVR-induced democratic transitions clearly help to advance CSOs’ independence from governments and limit considerably the amount of repression that CSOs are confronted with. In cases of democratization without NVR, CSOs operate less independently and must deal with higher amounts of legal harassment and restrictions than in the situations when society was nonviolently mobilized.

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Questions related to this article:

How effective are mass protest marches?

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NVR also seems to improve aspects of CSO consultation, i.e. their degree of involvement in policymaking. However, only during the first four years after transition is there a substantial difference between NVR-induced democracies and those where democracy came about by other means. Afterwards, the gap between the two groups diminishes. Finally, the results reveal that regarding participation in CSOs, there appears to be no substantial difference between NVR-induced democracies and societies that achieved democracy without NVR.

These preliminary results indicate that NVR creates long-term gains for civil society, by institutionalizing rights for CSOs, which grant them independence and limit governments in their ability to repress CSOs. Three mechanisms may explain these results.

First, democracies with transitions driven by civic forces usually strongly value an active and engaged civil society.

Second, as the examples of Poland and Benin in the introduction show, a public narrative reminiscing about past struggles for democracy can be a powerful symbol for people’s agency and a source to remobilize them in critical situations.

Third, in cases of NVR-induced democratization, civic forces are powerful and well-organized and thus have the capacity to influence institutional reform, e.g. involvement in drafting a new constitution. At the same time, it is difficult for governments to exclude civic forces from transitional reforms, since they often rely on this constituency in upcoming elections.

One example illustrating these mechanisms is yet again Benin. Because of a mobilized society that pushed for a democratic opening, political elites opted for a démocratie intégrale—an integrative democracy that was reflected, among others, in active CSO participation in the drafting process of a new constitution. As a result, the constitution highly values personal freedoms and encompasses the right to resist any unconstitutional behavior—a right the people assertively exercised in 2006 and 2016. At the same time, many armed liberation movements, such as the Namibian South-West Africa People’s Organisation, forced independent CSOs and labor unions to join their ranks and subdue their goals under the higher goal of independence and liberation. This tight control is typically upheld after the transition to prevent the emergence of an organized opposition.

Takeaways for Activists and Policymakers

Our findings show that when democratic transition was achieved by NVR, civil society is usually well-equipped to institutionalize enduring rights for CSOs that help to defend democracy against future threats. But this also highlights that deposing a dictator is only a first step towards a better future — or in the words of Amilcar Cabral, one of Africa’s foremost anti-colonial leaders, we should not claim easy victories! If movements dissolve and their members return to their everyday lives after achieving democratization, this often has two consequences:

First, lacking a constructive program to transform the society, these movements tend to achieve short-term successes but leave structural problems untouched. To address this challenge, movements should develop long-term goals which, according to Bartkowski, must integrate a long-term strategy of constructive resistance.

Second, since these movements mostly establish liberal representative forms of democracy but seldom transform into political parties, they often leave a vacuum, which is frequently filled by former corrupt political or economic elites. Possible ways to address this problem include:

* Training activists to become effective policy makers in the transition process;

* Advising movements on how to become winning political parties;

* Encouraging and pressuring transitional governments to allow for more deliberative forms of governance (e.g. participatory budgeting, ombudsman institutions, referenda for constitutional changes, etc.).

We suggest that by using these tactics, civil society and nonviolent movements can serve as important watchdogs or ‘sheriffs’ for alerting the rest of society when democracy is in danger. Further, as a recent ICNC monograph suggests, these actors serve still greater purposes in the short- and long-term democracy project: They embody the democratic values they wish will reign in their country during the next chapter of history and beyond.
 

(Thank you to Janet Hudgins, the CPNN reporter for this article.)

The Elders urge Indonesia to take bold steps to accelerate progress towards Universal Health Coverage

…. HUMAN RIGHTS ….

An article by The Elders

The Elders concluded a two-day visit to Indonesia with a call for the government to take bolder fiscal, political and social measures to accelerate progress towards Universal Health Coverage (UHC), building on impressive achievements in recent years.


Gro Harlem Brundtland and Ernesto Zedillo visit a health centre in Indonesia in November 2017 (Credit: Agoes Rudianto/The Elders)

Gro Harlem Brundtland and Ernesto Zedillo visited the Indonesian capital Jakarta on 28-29 November for meetings with President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) at the Presidential Palace, accompanied by Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi, Health Minister Nila Moeloek and Finance Minister Sri Mulyani.

They also visited the Kebon Jeruk Puskesmas (health centre) in west Jakarta, meeting patients, staff and local residents. The Elders also consulted with civil society organisations and held a briefing for local media.

Indonesia has the biggest single-payer health system in the world (covering 181 million people), and has committed to reaching full population coverage by 2019.

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The Elders congratulated President Jokowi on Indonesia’s progress to date. However they also expressed their concern about the fact that Indonesia’s rightly ambitious plan to achieve UHC is significantly under-financed. They suggested that without fiscal revenues stemming from additional general taxation, progress towards effective UHC could prove too slow.

The Elders also conveyed to President Jokowi and other high level Indonesian officials their worries about the high rate of tobacco consumption in the country. Higher taxes on tobacco could both deter consumption and provide more resources for health financing. In the longer term, they urged a modification of Indonesia’s policies on tobacco production to promote alternative, less harmful crops.

Gro Harlem Brundtland, Deputy Chair of The Elders and former Director-General of the World Health Organization, said:

“Indonesia has taken significant steps towards improving access to healthcare in recent years, and I am convinced President Jokowi can reach his goal of covering all the people of Indonesia by 2019, if the government commits further resources to the health budget. The level of public health financing and the overall tax yield is still too low to deliver effective public services; increasing taxes on products harmful to public health such as tobacco would be a step in the right direction.”

Ernesto Zedillo, Elder and former President of Mexico, added:

“The healthcare debate in Indonesia stands in stark contrast to some countries in the world, notably in the United States, that are moving away from universal coverage. Here, President Jokowi, government ministers and civil society are all trying to find ways to increase coverage and bolster social protection. I am encouraged by the meetings we have had here, and urge the authorities to be even bolder in committing greater resources to the health system, taxing harmful products and promoting greater accountability.”

The Elders believe Universal Health Coverage is the best way to achieve the overall health Sustainable Development Goal, and will join with civil society organisations and activists worldwide on UHC Day, 12 December, to promote their campaign so no-one is denied the healthcare they need because of a lack of financial resources.

(Thank you to Janet Hudgins, the CPNN reporter for this article.)

Nobel Laureate leads historic march across India to keep children safe

. HUMAN RIGHTS .

An article from Education International

When Kailash Satyarthi commits there is no way of stopping him, which was evident as millions followed his call to end the sexual abuse and trafficking of children in what was the country’s biggest march.

Over the course of the past month Indians voiced their opposition to the abuse of children with their feet as they marched across the country in droves with estimates exceeding 10 million participants.


Launched by Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Kailash Satyarthi, the Bharat Yatra, A March to End Sexual Abuse and Trafficking of Children, covered more than 11,000 km across 22 States and Union Territories from 11 September to 16 October.   

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(click here for the Spanish version of this article or here for the French version.)

Question related to this article:

Rights of the child, How can they be promoted and protected?

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“What our children are facing is not an ordinary crime. This is a moral epidemic haunting our country as well as the rest of the world. We cannot accept it. We have to break our silence as a nation. We have to raise our voice and unite as a nation,” said Satyarthi.

Delhi was the final leg of the journey where Satyarthi spoke before thousands of students across the city as they pledged to support the campaign. Joining him for the end of the march was Education International General Secretary Fred van Leeuwen, a long-time friend and supporter. Together, Satyarthi, van Leeuwen and Sylvia Borren created the Global Campaign for Education (GCE).

Keeping children safe in India is an immense challenge. The campaign let it be known that every day 40 children are raped while another 48 are sexually abused and hundreds of thousands have been trafficked for nefarious reasons.

The campaign is focused on urging the government to take greater steps to ensure that children’s safety is a top priority. Together, people from all walks of life, from business and policy, teachers and women’s groups to faith leaders, children and parents have taken part.

(Thank you to Janet Hudgins, the CPNN reporter for this article.)

Indonesia’s Supreme Court Upholds Water Rights

…. HUMAN RIGHTS ….

An article by Andreas Harsono for Human Rights Watch

In a landmark ruling, Indonesia’s Supreme Court this week ordered the government to restore public water services to residents in Jakarta after finding private companies “failed to protect” their right to water.

The court ordered the government to immediately revoke its contracts with two private water utilities and hand responsibility for public water supply services back to a public water utility.


Inadequate water supply service caused by privatization of Jakarta’s water supply has forced residents of low-income areas to buy expensive drinking water from street vendors and bathe in polluted public wells. © 2015 Nila Ardhianie

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The Supreme Court decision quoted residents of low-income areas in North Jakarta who blamed limited access to clean water and sanitation services on the failure of the private companies to adequately service their neighborhoods. Those residents described how the firms, PT PAM Lyonnaise Jaya and PT Aetra Air Jakarta, provided only sporadic water service, mostly limited to evening hours. The two companies were also implicated in denying water access services to residents unable to pay their bills. These residents were forced to buy expensive drinking water from street vendors and bathe in polluted public wells. “Disconnection of water services because of failure to pay due to lack of means constitutes a violation of the human right to water and other international human rights,” concluded three United Nations water experts in 2014.

Water privatization in Jakarta began in 1997 under then-President Suharto, who ordered the privatization in 1995, arguing it would improve service. Suharto ordered Jakarta’s public water utility to be divided into two operations, giving one half to a joint venture between British firm Thames Water and an Indonesian firm owned by his son. The government awarded the other privatized water operation to a joint venture between French firm Suez and Indonesia’s Salim Group, a company chaired by longtime Suharto friend Liem Sioe Liong.

The privatization contracts included guarantees that lower-income consumers would pay lower water tariffs. However, 12 residents and organizations that filed the class action lawsuit that led to the Supreme Court ruling argued that the companies deliberately underserviced lower-income consumers to prioritize higher-revenue service to wealthier consumers.

The onus is now on the government of President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo to implement the court’s decision and ensure lower-income residents are no longer deprived of their rights to water and sanitation. The government should also scrutinize similar water privatization contracts in other areas including Batam, Palembang, and Banten to determine if similar discriminatory abuses are occurring there.

Cape Verde: Youth take human rights to the streets

…. HUMAN RIGHTS ….

An article from Expresso das Ilhas (translated by CPNN)

The Youth for Peace group, in partnership with the National Commission for Human Rights and Citizenship (CNDHC), is carrying out a public reading of the universal charter of Human Rights. The initiative is part of the campaign “Human rights do not go on vacation”.

Through the public reading of Human Rights, the mentors of this initiative hope to make known and promote the practice among citizens and thus contribute to a “culture of peace and healthy coexistence between people.”

Taking advantage of the holidays – but asserting its motto “Human rights do not go on vacation” – a group of young people visited the beaches of Prainha and Quebra Canela on Saturday (12), International Youth Day and making use of this year’s slogan of (Peace Building Youth) tried to get their message across to the bathers.

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(Click here for the original version of this article in Portuguese)

Question related to this article:

What is the state of human rights in the world today?

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Coming soon, the market in Sucupira will receive the reading of some of the articles that appear in the letter of Human Rights and other neighborhoods and public spaces of the City of Praia will also receive this intervention of the group of Young People for Peace. In this way they want to make the Communities “more and better acquainted with Human Rights and young people with better mastery of reading and knowledge for the practical application of Rights”.

In 2016, on the occasion of International Human Rights Day, the United Nations adopted the slogan “Defend the Rights of Someone Today”, considering that “Disrespect for basic human rights continues to be widespread in all parts of the world. Our human values are under attack, and we must reaffirm our common humanity.”

At the end of July, the Youth for Peace group launched the “Life is Beautiful” program dedicated to children and aimed at promoting healthy lifestyles for children, contributing to the awareness of saying no to alcohol and other drugs.

Youth for Peace – JxP is a worldwide youth movement that was born in the Catholic community of Sant’Egidio, created in Rome and today present in several countries. It is an international movement that strives to promote peace and mediation of conflicts and promotes a culture of meetings and fraternity. The JxP group in Praia will complete this year its fourth year of existence.

Peace Clubs: Rwanda’s post-genocide search for renewal

… . HUMAN RIGHTS … .

An article by Valerie Hopkins, reprinted by the Global Campaign for Peace Education

Felix Kanamugire was a killer during the Rwandan genocide, when between 800,000 and one million people, primarily Tutsis, were killed over the course of three months in 1994.

For his crimes, he was among the 120,000 men and women imprisoned in the aftermath of the slaughter. Once released in 2011, he returned to his village in southern Rwanda, near the border with Burundi, and tried to keep a low profile.


Irene Mukaruziga, second from right, a genocide survivor whose husband was killed by her Hutu neighbour says forgiveness was a hard path for her (Photo: Valerie Hopkins / Al Jazeera)

For his crimes, he was among the 120,000 men and women imprisoned in the aftermath of the slaughter. Once released in 2011, he returned to his village in southern Rwanda, near the border with Burundi, and tried to keep a low profile.

“When I came out of jail and I reached home, I knew there were relatives of a lot of people I killed and property I looted. It was too much fear. How could I approach these people?”

Kanamugire, who is now 57, was worried about running into one neighbour, in particular, Irene Mukaruziga, because he had killed her husband and destroyed her house.

“I would hide or take a longer route so as not to see her,” says Kanamugire.

From truth to reconciliation

One day, his friend told him that he could discuss these things in a group, known as a Peace Club, that met once a week near the village of Muganza, close to his home, where perpetrators could discuss their guilt and move forward.

“There was good teachings in how to ask for forgiveness,” he says.
“Initially, we sat in separate groups, but we have to take a step. They told us, ‘Don’t fear them [the survivors], you know what you did’.”

Eventually, he says, he went to seek forgiveness from Mukaruziga, who had sought monetary compensation for her destroyed property during a community trial known as “gacaca”.

“I decided one morning to go to her. I went to her neighbour and asked him to escort me. I looked for 10,000 Rwandan Francs [about $12]. She gave us a place to sit. It was like coming from heaven. I said, ‘I’m here to ask for forgiveness.’ My heart was pounding. They said, give me 10,000 Francs. I felt someone was removing my burden when she said ‘OK.’”

Mukaruziga says forgiveness was a hard path for her.

“I lost almost everyone in the genocide,” she says. “My neighbour did a lot of bad things – destroyed my house, took everything. He went to jail, but his wife stayed at their house. All the time, I couldn’t bear to see his wife and kids.”

Slowly, she says, after sitting together in the same discussion group, she started to feel ready to forgive Kanamugire.

“Before, I would never step into his house. Even if it were raining, I would never dare,” says Mukaruziga. “We only started to speak because of the club. Because of those teachings, things came into my heart. Now, we have a lot in common. The teaching and the counselling has been helpful. They teach us how to identify hate and indicators of when things are going wrong.”

Kanamugire says that through these meetings, “I have uprooted that hatred that was inside of me”.

But, despite his transformation, he says the Monday unity exercises remain one of the most important parts of his week.

“We don’t pretend to think it is done. This has to be a continuous process.”

Fractured classrooms

The Peace Club attended by Kanamugire and Mukaruziga is supported by the London-based NGO International Alert. Hundreds of such clubs have sprung up across the country to bring together survivors and perpetrators of the genocide – with a special focus on those who were born in its aftermath.

In Rwanda, which today has a population of 11.6 million, more than 60 percent of the population is under 24 years old, too young to personally remember the genocide.

Since the end of the genocide, the government, led for 17 years by Paul Kagame, has pursued an official policy of unity and reconciliation, which emphasises Rwandan-ness rather than an affiliation as Hutu or Tutsi – categories imposed by Belgian colonial rulers that were arbitrarily based on a combination of factors including an individual’s wealth, skin tone, and nose size.

The Belgian colonisers had favoured Tutsis, and when they left in 1962, the Hutu-led government began persecuting the Tutsi minority. In seeking to close the circle, the government has made nationwide de-ethnicisation a priority and imposed strong restrictions on how the genocide can be discussed.

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Question related to this article:

Truth Commissions, Do they improve human rights?

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However, bullying based on a pupil’s family background is present in schools, where learning is especially difficult for orphans, the children of survivors, and those who have a parent in prison.

While survivors and the children of survivors often receive material support, sometimes the children of parents who are or were incarcerated do not receive assistance, which causes rifts between pupils, explains Evariste Shumbushuya, 24, whose father was in prison while he was in high school.

“Often, when you feel bad, you blame the kids [of survivors] for putting your parents in jail,” he says. But this changed when he joined a Peace Club in his second year of high school.

“Before I joined the club, there are a lot of things I had no idea about,” he recalls. “I realised they were getting this assistance because they had no parents. Most conflict you could see at school, it was because of these kinds of differences. It was tension that was not very open, but it was there. Some kids fought in the classrooms; there were bitter exchanges, like ‘Your parents killed my parents’.”

Lack of critical thinking

Shumbushuya now runs the club, called Urumuri Amahoro, which means “Light of Peace”. Its 71 members, who are between the ages of 15 and 25, assemble every Friday afternoon and share poems or act out plays that explore the themes of conflict and reconciliation.

“There are all kinds of narratives we get from our parents, some true and some not true. And this is the source of conflict between us. As we continued, we became aware how parents are poisoning their children,” Shumbushuya says.

He hopes to further bind his club’s members to one another through small cooperative projects, like pooling money to buy a goat that produces milk and cheese and will eventually bear offspring that they can share.

They also do farming and community service for the parents of impoverished members of their group.

“When we can change a child, their parents will also change.”
Silas Sebatware, who teaches history and geography at the village school, runs another Peace Club. In his club, like in so many others, they use scenarios, cartoons, and plays to discuss discrimination, prejudice, stereotypes and domestic violence.

“As a group, we interpret images which are not always straightforward to understand,” he says.

“This is important because it builds critical thinking.”

Sebatware says they also pay special attention to those who broke the mould of violence in genocide and rescued people, to teach students not to be bystanders.

“The clubs are also designed to provide information to younger generations who do not know the history of colonialism and the genocide,” says Jean Nepo Ndahimana, a former teacher who runs a training programme for educators with Aegis Trust, the organisation that runs the Kigali Genocide Memorial.

However, building societal change is tremendously difficult after generations of colonial rule and governments who privileged the majority Hutus over the Tutsis.

“Our parents were educated about violence by the government since the colonial period,” he says. “From 1962 until the genocide, the government emphasised discrimination and our curricula were designed to divide us. The government was doing what Trump is doing now in America – I mean, who is not an immigrant in America today?”

He says discrimination and hatred were incorporated into every subject. “An instructor in mathematics once put a question on a test: ‘If you have five Tutsis and you kill two, how many are left?’”

Now, he says, “efforts are being made in Rwanda to make people believe we do not have a different culture. We are trying to dig deep and find our roots.”

Before his organisation started training teachers in peace education in 2009, some teachers were apprehensive about discussing the genocide in the classroom, which left students reliant on their parents for information, which can be transmitted with bias.

“In an assessment developed in 2012, some teachers are scared to discuss the genocide, so sometimes they just skip it,” he says. As a result, when he would organise workshops for young people, he says, “students were not aware of what had happened”.

Since then, he and his colleagues have trained more than 940 teachers, each of whom has started a Peace Club in their schools. Moreover, in 2015, the Rwandan government overhauled its curriculum to include peace education in every subject, including mathematics and language classes.

“One of the factors that made the genocide possible was a lack of critical thinking skills,” explains Ndahimana. 

“Perpetrators say they committed crimes because ‘the government told us to kill’. But someone with critical thinking skills can ask themselves, ‘Why?’

The reporting of this story was made possible by a fellowship from the International Women’s Media Foundation (IWMF).

(Thank you to Janet Hudgins, the CPNN reporter for this article)