Category Archives: FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION

USA: Father Daniel Berrigan, z’l dead at 94

FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION

Distributed by email from Rabbi Michael Lerner, Tikkun Magazine

Daniel Berrigan was one of  the most inspiring figures of the anti-war and social justice movements of the past fifty years. He died on Saturday, April 30, 2016, and will be sorely missed by all of us who knew him. I was first introduced to him by my mentor Abraham Joshua Heschel in 1968 when he and Heschel and Martin Luther King had become prominent voices in the Clergy and Laity Against the War in Vietnam. He told me that he had been inspired by the civil disobedience and militant demonstrations that were sweeping the country in 1966-68, many of them led by Students for a Democratic Society (at the time I was chair of the University of California Berkeley chapter). . .

Berrigan

Over the course of the ensuing 48 years I was inspired by his activism and grateful for his support for Tikkun magazine. Heschel told me how very important Dan was for him–particularly in the dark days after Nixon had been elected and escalated the bombings in Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos. Those of us who were activists were particularly heartened by his willingness to publicly challenge the chicken-heartedness and moral obtuseness of religious leaders in the Catholic, Protestant and Jewish world who privately understood that the Vietnam war was immoral but who would not publicly condemn it and instead condemned the nonviolent activism of the anti-war movement because we were disobeying the law, burning our draft cards, disrupting the campus recruitment into the CIA and the ROTC, and blocking entrance into army recruitment centers and the Pentagon!

Here is a brief summary of Berrigan’s achievements as written for the Catholic magazine AMERICA   He co-founded the Catholic Peace Fellowship and the interfaith group Clergy and Laity Concerned about Vietnam, whose leaders included Martin Luther King Jr., Richard John Neuhaus and Abraham Joshua Heschel.

Berrigan regularly corresponded with Thomas Merton, Dorothy Day and William Stringfellow, among others. He also made annual trips to the Abbey of Gethsemani, Merton’s home, to give talks to the Trappist novices.

In Conjectures of a Guilty Bystander (1966), Merton described Berrigan as “an altogether winning and warm intelligence and a man who, I think, has more than anyone I have ever met the true wide- ranging and simple heart of the Jesuit: zeal, compassion, understanding, and uninhibited religious freedom. Just seeing him restores one’s hope in the Church.”

A dramatic year of assassinations and protests that shook the conscience of America, 1968 also proved to be a watershed year for Berrigan. In February, he flew to Hanoi, North Vietnam, with the historian Howard Zinn and assisted in the release of three captured U.S. pilots. On their first night in Hanoi, they awoke to an air-raid siren and U.S. bombs and had to find shelter.

As the United States continued to escalate the war, Berrigan worried that conventional protests had little chance of influencing government policy. His brother, Philip, then a Josephite priest, had already taken a much greater risk: In October 1967, he broke into a draft board office in Baltimore and poured blood on the draft files.

Undeterred at the looming legal consequences, Philip planned another draft board action and invited his younger brother to join him. Daniel agreed.

On May 17, 1968, the Berrigan brothers joined seven other Catholic peace activists in Catonsville, Md., where they took several hundreds of draft files from the local draft board and set them on fire in a nearby parking lot, using homemade napalm. Napalm is a flammable liquid that was used extensively by the United States in Vietnam.

Daniel said in a statement, “Our apologies, good friends, for the fracture of good order, the burning of paper instead of children, the angering of the orderlies in the front parlor of the charnel house. We could not, so help us God, do otherwise.”

(Article continued in the column on the right)

Question(s) related to this article:

Where in the world can we find good leadership today?

(Article continued from the column on the left)

Berrigan was tried and convicted for the action. When it came time for sentencing, however, he went underground and evaded the Federal Bureau of Investigation for four months.

“I knew I would be apprehended eventually,” he told America in an interview in 2009, “but I wanted to draw attention for as long as possible to the Vietnam War and to Nixon’s ordering military action in Cambodia.”

The F.B.I. finally apprehended him on Block Island, R.I., at the home of theologian William Stringfellow, in August 1970. He spent 18 months in Danbury federal prison, during which he and Philip appeared on the cover of Time magazine.

The brothers, lifelong recidivists, were far from finished.

On Sept. 9, 1980, Daniel and Philip joined seven others in busting into the General Electric missile plant in King of Prussia, Pa., where they hammered on an unarmed nuclear weapon—the first Plowshares action. They faced 10 years in prison for the action but were sentenced to time served.

In his courtroom testimony at the Plowshares trial, Berrigan described his daily confrontation with death as he accompanied the dying at St. Rose Cancer Home in New York City. He said the Plowshares action was connected with this ministry of facing death and struggling against it. In 1984, he began working at St. Vincent’s Hospital, New York City, where he ministered to men and women with H.I.V.-AIDS.

“It’s terrible for me to live in a time where I have nothing to say to human beings except, ‘Stop killing,’” he explained at the Plowshares trial. “There are other beautiful things that I would love to be saying to people.”

In 1997 he was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize.

Berrigan’s later years were devoted to Scripture study, writing, giving retreats, correspondence with friends and admirers, mentorship of young Jesuits and peace activists, and being an uncle to two generations of Berrigans. He published several biblical commentaries that blended scholarship with pastoral reflection and poetic wit.

“Berrigan is evidently incapable of writing a prosaic sentence,” biblical scholar Walter Brueggemann wrote in a review of Berrigan’s Genesis (2006). “He imitates his creator with his generative word that calls forth linkages and incongruities and opens spaces that bewilder and dazzle and summon the reader.”

From 1976 to 2012, Berrigan was a member of the West Side Jesuit Community, later the Thompson Street Jesuit Community, in New York City. During those years, he helped lead the Kairos Community, a group of friends and activists dedicated to Scripture study and nonviolent direct action.

Even as an octogenarian, Berrigan continued to protest, turning his attention to the U.S. wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, the prison in Guantánamo Bay and the Occupy Wall Street movement. Friends remember Berrigan as courageous and creative in love, a person of integrity who was willing to pay the price, a beacon of hope and a sensitive and caring friend.

(This summary of one part of his achievements was written by Luke Hansen, S.J., a former associate editor of America, now a student at the Jesuit School of Theology of Santa Clara University, Berkeley, Calif.).

We at Tikkun magazine, the voice of Jewish progressives, liberals, radicals and anti-capitalist non-violent revolutionaries, will deeply mourn the loss of our brother Daniel Berrigan. Dan was a true spiritual progressive, and it was a great honor for us when he joined the Advisory Board of the Network of Spiritual Progressives. His memory will always be a blessing (z’l=zeycher tzadik liv’racha).
–Rabbi Michael Lerner

2016 World Press Freedom Index ­– leaders paranoid about journalists

FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION

An article from Reporters without Borders

Most of the movement in the World Press Freedom Index unveiled today by Reporters Without Borders is indicative of a climate of fear and tension combined with increasing control over newsrooms by governments and private-sector interests.

press-freedom
Click on the image to enlarge

The 2016 World Press Freedom Index reflects the intensity of the attacks on journalistic freedom and independence by governments, ideologies and private-sector interests during the past year.

Seen as a benchmark throughout the world, the Index ranks 180 countries according to the freedom allowed journalists. It also includes indicators of the level of media freedom violations in each region. These show that Europe (with 19.8 points) still has the freest media, followed distantly by Africa (36.9), which for the first time overtook the Americas (37.1), a region where violence against journalists is on the rise. Asia (43.8) and Eastern Europe/Central Asia (48.4) follow, while North Africa/Middle East (50.8) is still the region where journalists are most subjected to constraints of every kind.

Three north European countries head the rankings. They are Finland (ranked 1st, the position it has held since 2010), Netherlands (2nd, up 2 places) and Norway (3rd, down 1). The countries that rose most in the Index include Tunisia (96th, up 30), thanks to a decline in violence and legal proceedings, and Ukraine (107th, up 22), where the conflict in the east of the country abated.
(Article continued in the right column.)

(Click here for the French version of this article or click here for the Spanish version.)

Question(s) related to this article:

Free flow of information, How is it important for a culture of peace?

(Article continued from left column)

The countries that fell farthest include Poland (47th, down 29), where the ultra-conservative government seized control of the public media, and (much farther down) Tajikistan, which plunged 34 places to 150th as a result of the regime’s growing authoritarianism. The Sultanate of Brunei (155th, down 34) suffered a similar fall because gradual introduction of the Sharia and threats of blasphemy charges have fuelled self-censorship. Burundi (156th, down 11) fell because of the violence against journalists resulting from President Pierre Nkurunziza’s contested reelection for a third term. The same “infernal trio” are in the last three positions: Turkmenistan (178th), North Korea (179th) and Eritrea (180th).

“It is unfortunately clear that many of the world’s leaders are developing a form of paranoia about legitimate journalism,”[ according to] RSF secretary-general Christophe Deloire “The climate of fear results in a growing aversion to debate and pluralism, a clampdown on the media by ever more authoritarian and oppressive governments, and reporting in the privately-owned media that is increasingly shaped by personal interests. Journalism worthy of the name must be defended against the increase in propaganda and media content that is made to order or sponsored by vested interests. Guaranteeing the public’s right to independent and reliable news and information is essential if humankind’s problems, both local and global, are to be solved.”

Published annually by RSF since 2002, the World Press Freedom Index is an important advocacy tool based on the principle of emulation between states. Because it is now so well known, its influence over the media, governments and international organizations is growing.

The Index is based on an evaluation of media freedom that measures pluralism, media independence, the quality of the legal framework and the safety of journalists in 180 countries. It is compiled by means of a questionnaire in 20 languages that is completed by experts all over the world. This qualitative analysis is combined with quantitative data on abuses and acts of violence against journalists during the period evaluated.

The Index is not an indicator of the quality of the journalism in each country, nor does it rank public policies even if governments obviously have a major impact on their country’s ranking.

It’s Campaign Season for UN Secretary General…And It Is Pretty Radical

FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION

An article by Mark Leon Goldberg, UN Dispatch

The race to become the next UN Secretary General just got slightly more crowded yesterday [April 5] when Helen Clark, former New Zealand prime minister and the current head of the UN Development Program, tossed her hat in the ring. Clark is one of the higher profile of the eight declared candidates. She is the fourth woman in the field and the only non-European to enter the race so far.

secgen

What makes her entry into the race particularly interesting is this straightforward video of her announcing her candidacy. It is the latest manifestation of just how radically new this process is to select a UN secretary general.

For the first time ever there will be a public campaign in the race to become the next UN Secretary General.

In the 70 years of United Nations, each of the eight Secretaries General were selected behind closed doors. Those doing the selecting were the five permanent members of the Security Council: the USA, Russia, the UK, France and China. Those countries would select a man to represent the United Nations and then the General Assembly, which is made up of all UN member states, would rubber stamp the pick.

This time around is wholly different. First, to be considered for the job, each candidate must first be nominated by their country. The process for doing so is straightforward: the country sends the nominating letter to the President of the General Assembly, who posts the candidates’ nominating letters and resumes to this website.

Now, for the first time in 70 years the general public knows exactly who is in the running for UN Secretary General. This counts as radical: even that modest amount of transparency was never really in the cards before.

The declared candidates as of April 4 (minus Helen Clark) and the dates they entered the race.

Dr. Srgjan Kerim, 30 December 2015
Prof. Dr. sc. Vesna Pusic, 14 January 2016
Dr. Igor Luksic, 15 January 2016
Dr. Danilo Turk, 9 February 2016
Ms. Irina Bokova, 11 February 2016
Ms. Natalia German, 19 February 2016
Mr. Antonio Guterres, 29 Febuary 2016

Because the process is open, there is a degree of public campaigning that has never existed. Candidates will be forced to go on the record with their positions on various key global issues. Their performance as communicators, diplomats and politicians will be evaluated by the press, the public, and all UN member states.

(Article continued in right column)

(Click here for the original Spanish of this aricle.)

Question(s) related to this article:

Can the UN help move the world toward a culture of peace?

(Article continued from left column)

On April 12, 13, and 14 each candidate will submit to two hours of questioning from the General Assembly. The President of the General Assembly, Mogens Lykketoft of Denmark, is presiding over the affair. For two hours, each candidate will be put on the spot by member states. Not only will their answers be judged on the merits, but their effectiveness as communicators will be tested as well.

And because this has never been done before, no one really knows what kinds of questions will be asked. Will groups of countries, like the EU, band together to ask the same questions to each candidate? Will it result in high minded discussions of the future of the UN? Will individual countries use their moment at the mic to score petty domestic political points? The answer is that we have absolutely no clue. That’s what makes this moment so interesting for UN watchers–the theater is not only in the answers given, but the questions asked. Also, questions will not only come from member states, but also from the NGO community and civil society, which has been invited to participate in this vetting.

Then, later in the week, the Guardian is holding town-hall style debate in New York in which journalists and the public can pose questions to the candidates. (Questions from the public are being solicited here.) Later in the Spring, a similar event will take place in London.

The Security Council is expected to begin its deliberations in July. To be sure, as in year’s past the candidate must find favor (or at least not be vetoed) by each of the five permanent members. The Security’s Council’s selection is then passed along to the General Assembly for a final vote.

But unlike year’s past, each member of the General Assembly — and the public at large — will have had the opportunity to vet the candidates. The candidate will need to prove her or his worth well before the final selection this summer.

(Thank you to Janet Hudgins, the CPNN reporter for this article.)

Guantanamo could be turned from a war facility to a peace park

FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION

Based on an article by Joe Roman and James Kraska in Science magazine

As US president Obama makes a visit to Cuba, the following opinion has been published by Science, the journal of the American Association for the Advancement of Science: “The United States should deliver on President Obama’s recent plan to close the military prison at U.S. Naval Station Guantánamo Bay and repurpose the facilities into a state-of-the-art marine research institution and peace park, a conservation zone to help resolve conflicts between the two countries. This model, designed to attract both sides . . . could unite Cuba and the United States in joint management, rather than serve as a wedge between them, while helping meet the challenges of climate change, mass extinction, and declining coral reefs.”

guantanomo
Mangroves dot Guantánamo Bay with the U.S. naval base airstrip seen in the distance. Photo by Luke Frazza/AFP/Getty Images

The authors are Joe Roman, a conservation biologist at Vermont University and James Kraska, a law professor at the US Naval War College.

They suggest it could become ” ‘a “Woods Hole of the Caribbean,” housing research and educational facilities dedicated to addressing climate change, ocean conservation, and biodiversity loss.”

Both Cuba and the United States have strong interests in preserving the marine environment. The Woods Hole Marine Biological Laboratory, located on Cape Cod in the United States, is recognized as one of the leading scientific institutions of its typle in the world. And, according to the authors, Cuba has taken strong measures to preserve its coral reefs and coastal waters since the 1992 Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro, They have developed “extensive protected areas, a constitution with strong environmental provisions, and an aggressive stance on climate change, putting it at the center of Caribbean conservation efforts. It has established the largest marine park in the Caribbean, the Jardines de la Reina (Gardens of the Queen), with abundant sharks and groupers.”

Tha authors place their proposal in the context of peace parks: “The world’s first peace park is the Water-ton-Glacier International Peace Park on the border of Canada and the United States, a symbol of goodwill between the countries. There have been successful transitions from military bases and conflict zones in other countries. After the United States left Fort Clayton to Panama, for example, part of the base was transformed into Ciudad de Saber (City of Knowledge), a government-sponsored complex that has attracted international scholars and the United Nations Development Program. Although the future of land along the corridor of the former Iron Curtain is uncertain, the European Green Belt initiative could transform the continent and help species such as lynx, brown bears, and imperial eagles recover. Such international parks are signs that humans can respect each other, even after conflicts, and protect other species that share our planet.”

They conclude that “the Guantánamo peace park and research center would encourage nations to convert military bases and conflict zones into areas of creativity, cooperation, and biodiversity conservation. For the next generation, the name Guantánamo could become associated with redemption and efforts to preserve and repair international relations and the planet.”

Question(s) related to this article:

Peace parks: Are they promoting peace?

See also The Contribution of Transfrontier Peace Parks to Peace in Southern Africa.

Colombia: National Meeting on Education for Peace

FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION

Presentation of the final report

Thinking about Education for Peace is the fruit of the National Conference on Education for Peace, held in Colombia on 1 and 2 October 2015. In this gathering there emerged ways of building and living life, led by youth, women, men weaving their daily lives amid resilient and creative practices that challenge and redefine the imaginary and cultural references that have sustained various types of violence.

colombia

The National Meeting on Education for Peace, was undertaken with the following objectives: 1) to articulate experiences and facilitate exchange of knowledge on education for peace among different actors and sectors of society from the perspectives of education for peace and building cultures of peace; 2) Generate a reflection with a broad spectrum on the challenges that the current situation presents to education for peace, in both social organizations and educational institutions at all levels, and 3 ) Promote a consensus to generate public policies in education for peace.

We have considered it essential to collect the experience of the National Meeting on Education for Peace. Therefore, we set out to investigate the question: What is the agenda of peace education that was proposed at the national meeting? Of course it is ambitious goal to record all the wealth, conversations, practices, concerns, desires and diversity of this meeting. However, this report, Thinking about Peace Education, aims to highlight the main commitments emerging from the many conversations that took place on 1 and 2 October at the National Meeting on Education for Peace. Therefore, we have structured this publication as follows:

(Article continued in right column)

(Click here for the original Spanish of this aricle.)

Question(s) related to this article:

What is happening in Colombia, Is peace possible?

(Article continued from left column)

CROSSROADS, to account for the genesis of this meeting and its coordinates in the processes of peace building, which for more than two decades have been promoting different actors in Colombia, in the context of education for peace, from the convergence of diverse, new synergies, dynamics and actors scenarios evidence.

METHOD, to account for the methodological proposal for the meeting, which involved 652 assistants, from twenty departments, representatives of two hundred eighty organizations that take actions for peace education.

COMMITMENTS for peace education, to account for the hopes and commitments that emerged at the National Meeting on Education for Peace, from a reading exercise of the conversations were in the meeting and can guide actions and processes different scenarios.

SOME PROPOSALS to account for proposals for concrete actions that emerged in several of the workshops. The actions are grouped into several areas: social mobilization, generation and strengthening of public policy, university chairs for peace, human rights education and administrative and institutional framework.

OTHER PERSPECTIVES, to account for reflections and perspectives by the foreign and domestic guests at the National Meeting on Education for Peace: The professors Alicia Cabezudo, Rosa Ludy Arias Campos, Marina Caireta Sampero, Janet Gerson, David Adams, and Carlos Eduardo Martinez Hincapie, wanted to bring some elements from what they felt and observed in relation to their own experiences and studies on education for peace.
This publication was edited by a group of people from several of the founding organizations of the National Conference on Education for Peace, who collected the agreements and proposals from the table convenors in order to guide the methodological and systematic processes.

We hope this publication Thinking about Peace Education will be a contribution to building cultures of peace in Colombia, as an effort to contribute to the many initiatives and processes that are interwoven in the search for a country reconciled and peaceful.

Africa’s Contribution to the Global Movement for a Culture of Peace

FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION

An article by David Adams in The Thinker abbreviated and reprinted by permission (full article available by subscription)

At the end of the Cold War, during the 1990’s UNESCO, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, embarked on an ambitious project called “the culture of peace.” It was conceived as a radical change in the very nature of human civilization, as a transition from the culture of war that has characterized most societies for thousands of years, to a new and universal culture free from the scourge of war. . .

Adams
Illustration of article from The Thinker (copyright ZainDee)

Unfortunately, for many years after a change in leadership at UNESCO, there was little support for the culture of peace. In fact, there was opposition. Exceptionally, however, the Africa Department of UNESCO has recently again taken up the challenge. With UNESCO support, Angola hosts an annual conference for the culture of peace, formally endorsed by the African Union, and networks of African women, youth and research institutions for a culture of peace have been established.

[To escape from the culture of war, we need consciousness, methodologies and institutions for a culture of peace.]

Culture of Peace Consciousness

. . . the Culture of Peace News Network (CPNN: www.cpnn-world.org) [tells] what is happening around the world to promote a culture of peace. The more people read and discuss these articles, the more they will see that a culture of peace is not only possible, but the seeds for it are being planted every day and around the world. . .

Africa is the leading continent of the world for peace education and media for peace. Almost every month we have new articles in CPNN about initiatives in this regard. . .

Consciousness is important. In fact, in the long run it is the basis for historical change. However, it is not enough. We need to develop methodologies and institutions that can replace those of the culture of war.

Culture of Peace Methodologies

. . . In this regard, Africa has already shown its leadership in recent years with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa and the Gacaca in Rwanda, enabling Africans to overcome bitter conflicts and enter a path of reconciliation. These processes have been based on the ancient, pre-colonial practices of conflict transformation, often known as the Palabra, the word, as well as the African tradition of Ubuntu, “I am because you are.” . .

(Article continued in the column on the right)

Question(s) related to this article:

Where in the world can we find good leadership today?

(Article continued from the column on the left)

Culture of Peace Institutions

. . . During the transition period in South Africa following Nelson Mandela’s release from prison, as part of the National Peace Accord, a broad set of regional and local peace committees were established that united representatives from political organizations, trade unions, business, churches, police and security forces to resolve disputes at local and regional levels.

The work of the regional and local peace committees was at the heart of the Accord. It directly engaged people in conflict management on a grass roots level throughout the country. At their peak, there were 11 regional committees and over one hundred local peace committees, with an annual budget of almost $12 million which enabled the hiring of full time staff for regional offices.

Unfortunately, the system of regional and local peace committees was not continued on an independent basis once elections took place and a government of national reconciliation was installed. . .

Elsewhere in the world, there have also been attempts to establish regional and local peace committees. . .

Networking

The world has not yet arrived at the point of establishing regional networks of culture of peace institutions in cities, towns and regions. There simply are not yet enough such institutions. But if a culture of peace is to succeed in replacing the culture of war, this next step will be essential.

I hope that as a result of this article, I will make contact with Africans who are developing local peace commissions in Africa, and that Africa can take a leading role with a regional network of such commissions.

Conclusion

We have seen here that Africa has already made major contributions to the key elements of the global movement for a culture of peace that are needed to make the transition from the culture of war. Africa is the leading continent of the world for peace education and media for peace, contributing to the consciousness that a culture of peace is possible. African methodologies for conflict resolution are exemplary. And, although they were not continued, the regional and local peace committees of the National Peace Accord in South Africa provided a model for the institutionalization of culture of peace that we need in the future.

Historically, Africa may be in a good position to take a leadership role in the global movement, because in the course of history, with the exception of the ancient empires of Egypt, Africans did not develop culture of war empires and states to the same extent that they were developed in other continents. And the rich tradition of Pan-Africanism provides an alternative model to that of empires and states. A Pan-African union could be based on a culture of peace rather than culture of war. It would be within the tradition of peace-building by Nelson Mandela. And it would fulfill the dream of that great African-American, W.E.B. Dubois, which he shared at the end of his life with Kwame Nkrumah and the people of Ghana, an Africa at peace with itself and the world.

Africa: How to Achieve the Freedom Promised

FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION

An article by Nestor Bidadanure in The Thinker abbreviated and reprinted by permission (full article available by subscription)

What is the main ideological factor that has led to so much violence around the question of identity in post-colonial Africa? Can the concept of culture of peace contribute to the establishment of lasting peace in Africa? And, if so, how?

Nestor
Illustration of article from The Thinker (copyright shutterstock)

The legacy of freedom

“Each generation must, with little help from the past, discover its mission, fulfill or betray it” said Frantz Fanon in his book “Wretched of the Earth,” which was written in 1961 and which had a strong influence on the political consciousness of anti-colonial and Third World activists in his time. If we compare ourselves to the generations that have lived through slavery, colonization and apartheid, we can say with some caution, that the political reality of the African continent has generally improved today. The laws that legitimized the inequality and justified the occupation of territories of peoples of different cultures have been abolished. African leaders who are progressive have overcome the identity manipulations imposed by colonialism; they have unified the freedom fighters of their own country, organized pan- African solidarity, and promoted international solidarity with other peoples struggling for freedom. Despite the political and economic violence that many African peoples still experience, we should not forget the victories over oppression. Thanks to the peoples’ struggles, significant economic and social rights have been achieved in much of the continent. Human rights and gender equality have emerged to a certain extent from the ruins of discriminatory laws. We must remember that no right is natural: each area of freedom we enjoy today is the result of the epic battles in the past by peoples for justice and human dignity. The promise of freedom is the fruit of resistance.

In addition to the culture of resistance, we are also heirs to values and techniques of peaceful conflict resolution. In the face of tragedies such as apartheid, the genocide in Rwanda and the war in Mozambique, the African people have tapped into their ancient culture to break the impasse and reconcile those who have been bitter enemies.

Thanks to the legacy of the freedom fighters of yesterday, we can look ahead today with optimism and say with certainty that a better Africa is possible. In fact the major challenge of our generation is not to begin the story, but to keep it going, not allowing it to be stopped at midpoint of the long road traveled by the generations who preceded us in the struggle for freedom. For as long as war and poverty continue in even the smallest part of the African continent, the freedom promised by the fathers of Pan-Africanism will require other heroes to ensure its fulfillment. As long as people lack freedom somewhere in the world, no one of us can feel completely free.

Therefore, the mission of our generation, post-colonial and post-apartheid is the struggle for a lasting peace in Africa. To do this, it is essential to first understand the belief system that continues to enable the poverty and violence linked to identity in our continent. In other words, we must identify the major obstacle to the emergence of an Africa that is free, democratic and inclusive for which previous generations have struggled. An Africa where peace is no longer a dream but a reality.

It is our point of view that most of the political and economic violence suffered by the African peoples today is rooted in a system of thought we call the Radical Identity Populism (abbreviated PIR). So what is PIR and how can the concept of culture of peace serve as an antithesis to the prejudices that serve as its backbone?

(Article continued in the column on the right)

(Click here for a French version of this article.)

Question(s) related to this article:

Where in the world can we find good leadership today?

(Article continued from the column on the left)

Radical Identity Populism

. . . In Africa, the decolonization in the legal sense has not been followed by an ideological break with the colonial model of governance by some of the political elite. Violence against the people has been perpetuated beyond independence. While the enemy for the colonialists was those who sought independence, now for the post-colonial elite who have not been mentally liberated from colonial prejudices, the new enemy has become the “other” who is perceived to be different. Discrimination against the colonized peoples has been replaced by discrimination against other ethnic groups, against other religions, against people from other regions, against foreigners … The colonial practice of divide and rule is continued today as the favorite political weapon of extremist elites. The phenomenon of crimes against humanity such as genocide of Tutsis in Rwanda in 1994, the ethnic massacres in Burundi in 1993, the fratricidal war in Southern Sudan, the mass crimes orchestrated by the army of the lord, the LRA in Uganda and the DRC, the war waged by the radical Islamist organizations al-Shabab in Somalia, Boko Haram in Nigeria, Al Qaeda and the Islamist state in Libya, North Africa and Mali are all rooted in theorized system of thought that legitimize extreme violence. . . It is against this phenomenon of Radical Identity Populism that the new generation of freedom fighters must struggle if someday Africa is to live in peace with herself.

By populism, we mean the political demagoguery expressed through the discourse of hate against others who are different. . . By identity, we mean the manipulation of real or perceived differences for the purpose of gaining or maintaining power. . . By radical, we mean the will to exterminate the other who is different. . .

Towards an Africa in peace

The Culture of Peace is not a closed concept. It is a concept that is integrated with the elements of the peoples’ traditions for the peaceful resolution of conflicts and the diffusion of he values of peace. From this point of view, the philosophy of Ubuntu, the tradition of the Ubushingantahe in Burundi, the traditional and participatory justice of the Agacaca in Rwanda are all components of the Culture of Peace. Let us now consider the key constituents of the Culture of Peace in relation to the African situation.

1- Respect for life, for the human person and for his rights. . .

2-Access of all citizens to economic and social rights . . .

3- Peaceful conflict resolution and reconciliation . . .

4. Equality between men and women and the inclusion of diversity . . .

5- Democracy and freedom of expression . . .

6. Respect for the environment . . .

Conclusion

The Culture of Peace should be considered and taught as an ideal that ties together and strengthens that which has been torn apart. It is the antithesis of Radical Identity Populism, a theory of inclusion and reconciliation with which we can achieve the freedom promised, an Africa at peace with herself and with the world. It considers the differences within a nation to be a precious resource. It reminds us that there is no national identity except the diversity, both cultural and human, of all its citizens. The Culture of Peace demands all the human rights for all the people, because, as always, it is poverty and ignorance that continue to provide the fertile soil for the growth of identity demagogy.

USA: Privacy Activists Rally Around Apple in ‘Most Important Tech Case in a Decade’

FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION

An article by Nadia Prupis for Common Dreams (reprinted according to provisions of Creative Commons)

Supporters are rallying around Apple in a watershed privacy rights case against the FBI, with activists, whistleblowers, and activists all lining up to express their support of the tech company in its refusal to hand over encrypted information to the intelligence agency.


apple
Dozens gathered at Apple’s flagship store on Wednesday to support the tech company in its privacy fight against the FBI. (Photo: Fight for the Future)

National Security Agency (NSA) whistleblower Edward Snowden said Wednesday in a series of tweets, “This is the most important tech case in a decade…The FBI is creating a world where citizens rely on Apple to defend their rights, rather than the other way around.”

Hours later, the Information Technology Industry Council, a trade group representing some of Silicon Valley’s most powerful companies—including Google, Facebook, Microsoft, IBM, Hewlett-Packard, and others—released a statement that read, “Our shared fight against terrorism must be grounded in principle. We worry about the broader implications both here and abroad of requiring technology companies to cooperate with governments to disable security features, or introduce security vulnerabilities into technologies.”

“Our fight against terrorism is actually strengthened by the security tools and technologies created by the technology sector, so we must tread carefully given our shared goals of improving security, instead of creating insecurity,” the Council continued.

(Article continued in the right column)

Question(s) related to this article:

Free flow of information, How is it important for a culture of peace?

(Article continued from the left column)

And dozens of people rallied at Apple’s flagship store in San Francisco on Wednesday evening in a rapid-response event organized by the digital rights group Fight for the Future, which is planning additional actions next Tuesday.

The FBI, with the help of a federal judge, is demanding that Apple unlock an iPhone belonging to one of the suspected San Bernardino shooters, which the tech company says is essentially a demand to build a backdoor to encryption, threatening all of its users’ privacy rights and enabling a dangerous expansion of the government’s authority.

“Governments have been frothing at the mouth hoping for an opportunity to pressure companies like Apple into building backdoors into their products to enable more sweeping surveillance,” said Evan Greer, campaign director at Fight for the Future. “It’s shameful that they’re exploiting the tragedy in San Bernardino to push that agenda.”

Other whistleblowers also expressed their support of Apple’s stance. Mark Klein, an AT&T technician who exposed the telecom company’s cooperation with the NSA in 2006, said Wednesday, “It’s nice occasionally to have a company that has the balls to stand up to the government. The government—especially people like [CIA Director John] Brennan—is trying to brow beat everybody using the threat of terrorism. This allows the government to continually expand its powers.”

And the San Francisco-based digital rights group Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF), which is planning to file an amicus brief in support of Apple, released this statement: “We are supporting Apple here because the government is doing more than simply asking for Apple’s assistance. For the first time, the government is requesting Apple write brand new code that eliminates key features of iPhone security—security features that protect us all. Essentially, the government is asking Apple to create a master key so that it can open a single phone.

“And once that master key is created,” EFF wrote, “we’re certain that our government will ask for it again and again, for other phones, and turn this power against any software or device that has the audacity to offer strong security.”

Declaration of the Youth Clubs of the Congo Peace Network

FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION

A declaration received by email from the Congo Peace Network (translated from the French by CPNN)

In the face of decades of “recurring wars” maintained by local and regional actors, including Rwanda and Uganda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has seen one “peace accord after another” since 2006.

congo

Most of these peace agreements were signed under the aegis of the international community. Among the most important of these agreements were the Ceasefire Agreement of Lusaka of 30 July 1999; the Global and Inclusive Agreement on the Transition in DRC, signed December 17, 2002, in Sun City, South Africa and the constitution of the transition of April 4, 2003 with its five main specific objectives, namely:

1. The reunification, pacification, reconstruction, restoration of territorial integrity and the restoration of State authority throughout the national territory;
      
2. National reconciliation;

3. The formation of a national army, restructured and integrated;

4. The organization of free, democratic and transparent elections at all levels enabling the establishment of a democratic constitutional regime;

5. The establishment of structures that will lead to a new order politique. For this the Senate proposed a draft constitution submitted to popular referendum on December 18 2005. . . .

I. THE NEW CONSTITUTION OF 18 FEBRUARY 2006

By a margin of 83%, the Congolese massively voted “yes” at the ballot box because the constitution defined a “new path” for the Congolese people who have been wounded and desperate for a long time now. . . [The Constitution of 2006 called for] the rule of law, democracy and good governance; respect for the dignity of the human person with special attention to vulnerable people (children, women, elderly, minorities, prisoners, foreigners, refugees, etc.); the protection of civil liberties and fundamental rights of the person and the family; peace, security, unity and integrity of the national territory, the socio-economic development, free enterprise and fair redistribution of national wealth; justice and the fight against corruption and impunity, etc . . .

In the ten years since the Constitution was adopted, have its promises been carried out by the Congolese state and democratic institutions?

II. CONTRIBUTION TO THE CONSTITUTION OF 18 February 2006 ON PEACE, SECURITY, JUSTICE, DEMOCRACY, GOOD GOVERNANCE, RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS IN DRC.

. . . [Since adoption of the Constitution] the DRC has seen significant progress in terms of democracy, security, peace, good governance, justice and human rights.

a) Democracy: Election

Since gaining independence, the DRC had never organized an “election” that could qualify for: free, transparent, democratic and credible.

For the first time, in 2006 we participated in provincial, national and presidential elections that were welcomed and supported by the international community, under the direction of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), chaired by l’Abbé Apollinaire Malumalu Muholongu.

In 2011 the IEC was changed to the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI), which organized the elections once again. This time it led to political and security instability and give birth to the rebel groups such as the March 23 Movement (M23); which refused to recognizer the legitimacy of the central government, as many observers both domestic and international found that the elections were marred by many irregularities. It seems that there was institutionalized electoral cheating orchestrated by Mr. Pastor Ngoy Mulunda Daniel, president of the CENI at that time. . .

b) Peace and security:

On peace and security, efforts have been made again and again, but despite all that, there is still much to do.

The eastern part of the DRC continues to experience instability and insecurity because of the resurgence of armed groups that proliferate in many territories in the provinces of North Kivu and South Kivu and in the former Eastern Province and some parts of the former Katanga province.

The population of North Kivu has never lived in a situation of calm. Instead, there have been massacres in the territories of Beni, Lubero, Rutshuru Masisi and Walikale. There is an ongoing need for efforts by national, provincial and local authorities to establish peace and safety for persons and property.

c) Justice and respect for human rights

In the eyes of Congolese citizens justice remains only a parody; it is favorable only to those who are wealthy and strong financially and politically, while it is unfavorable to the citizens who are weak materially, politically and financially. It does not meet the promise that “all Congolese are equal before the law and entitled to equal protection” as per article 12 of the constitution. A maxim says, “Righteousness exalts a nation.”

While the constitution provides that the judiciary should be independent of the executive and legislative powers (Article 149), the reality on the ground proves otherwise. The courts fail to provide the independence, impartiality and neutrality in the performance of their mission, which is their responsibility.

With regard to respect for fundamental rights and freedoms, the judiciary should guarantee individual freedoms and fundamental rights of citizens under Article 150 of the constitution. Is this provision respected and observed it in its fullness in the DRC? If so, how can we explain the treatment of prisoners in correctional facilities (prisons, jails, etc.)? Political prisoners from opposition political parties and militant activists of human rights have often been the victims of unlawful detentions and arbitrary arrests, inhuman and degrading treatment and even torture; This has been inflicted on them by officials of the FARDC, PNC, ANR and other security services. Much remains to be done to make respect for human rights a reality in the DRC.

d) Socio-economic development: redistribution of national wealth

The socio-economic situation in the DRC is alarming due to insecurity and unemployment without limit in the Congolese population in general. All this is due to what? The eye of the observer can see that in the DRC, a small number of Congolese control most of the national wealth at the expense of a great mass of citizens. The government benefits the wealthy of the country at the expense of the governed. It ignores the satisfaction of the general interest which should be the prime objective for any government or authority responsible and worthy of its name.

As long as the problem of hunger, education, unemployment and insecurity is not resolved, the Congolese socio-economic climate will remain unsuccessful in its path of development.

III. SOME SIGNIFICANT ADVANCES

In territorial terms, the implementation of 26 provinces under Article 2 of the constitution is a success. However, the actual territorial decentralization in the DRC has been violated by the Central Government. The government has appointed “special commissioners” instead of organizing the election of provincial governors in 21 provinces. “Special commissioners” have also been appointed for the 5 other provinces which have not undergone the territorial division, Kinshasa, Bas-Congo, North-Kivu, South-Kivu and Maniema? Will the “special commissioners” be accountable to the people or the president who appointed them? Their appointment is unconstitutional and it risks plunging the country into dictatorship or, at best, ungovernability. “it is he who appointed that returns the power to revoke” that is to say, they are accountable to the person of the current head of state.

In short, our task is huge because now that we have a constitution, our civic duty is, and should be to preserve it, to help it mature and to give it effect by recognizing it as the “legal standard reference base for the rule of law to which all we aspire, whether we are governors or governed.”

e) In terms of infrastructure:

Several projects have either been constructed and rehabilitated in the areas of transportation, health, education, electricity, etc. Although kilometers of roads have been paved, hospitals and health centers schools, etc. have been constructed, much remains to be done because the DRC is still under construction.

(Article continued in the right column.)

(Click here for the French version of this article.)

(Article continued from left column)

IV. THE KEY CHALLENGES OF THE CONSTITUTION

In principle, the Constitution of the 3rd Republic in DRC should define the rules and the principles to resolve the political crises that have shaken Congo-Zaire since gaining independence. It should establish normative rules to govern the Republic reflecting the fundamental concerns of the Congolese people and establishing a political society based on reliable and stable institutions. The framers of the Constitution of the DRC, have they achieved this? We do not think so.

1. Terriorial division
  
Article 2 states that the DRC has 26 provinces. In reality, this territorial division is not in itself a bad idea. However, as it is provided for in the 2006 Constitution this division constitutes a time bomb that promotes “secessionist or separatist ideas or passions” of those who ignore the essence of the concept of general interest of the State, the nation or the national unity of the Congolese people.

The risk of secession or separation is not a false assumption. For proof; simply scan the “demographics” of each of its provinces. For exemple, the Province of Tshuapa is formed only by the “Mongo”; the Northern provinces and Sud-Ubangi District, are on their respective turn composed or formed respectively by “Ngbaka” and “Ngbandi”. From this it would seem that the Congolese authorities who organized this division wanted through the constitution “to legitimize the division of the country and the disunity of the Congolese people” . . .

2. Free primary education in the DRC

Article 43 Al 3 clearly states that “primary education is compulsory and free in public schools.” The constitution provides for compulsory and free primary education to banish illiteracy of the population. However, this provision has not been respected in any public institution. Street children abound in many towns and villages of the country, because the children of parents who are unemployed, vulnerable, disabled and displaced are excluded from education. Instead, they should be recognized as our hope for the future. In the words of President Mobutu “Youth is the lifeblood that can ensure the future of our country.”

Until the right to education is guaranteed for all children, we cannot really expect that the phenomenon of “street children” will end.

3. Political pluralism in DRC

Article 8 provides that “political opposition is recognized in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The rights associated with its existence, its activities and its struggle for democratic election to power are sacred. Any limits should be imposed equally on all parties and political activities by this Constitution and the law” . . .

Political power should be obtained only through elections that are free, democratic, transparent and credible. However, unfortunately, the experience of the 2011 elections showed that they favored only the majority for many reasons: for example, in many areas and territories under the control of armed rebels and opponents, it was not possible to campaign.

This year 2016 is an election year, but observers and analysts warn that there are plans by the “Presidential majority” to postpone elections at all levels, local, municipal, city, provincial, national and presidential under the pretexts of: insecurity (especially in the East (North & South Kivu) ; the so-called problem of “new voters”; the situation of Congolese from abroad; and the so-called lack of financial resources” . . . Although the Constitution limits the mandate of the President of the Republic to two terms, it seems that the President and his family wishes to revise this Constitutional provision and apply for a third term.

In view of the above, we propose:

1. To respect the pillars of democracy in the DRC: sovereignty, justice, equality; the rule of law, tolerance, transparency, accountability of rulers, the guarantee of human rights, political pluralism, democratic and peaceful acquisition of power, free, democratic and transparent elections, fair results of the polls, the protection of minorities and entrepreneurship;

2. To prepare and to undertake the electoral process in 2016 (the activity at hand immediately).

3. That the actors, institutions and individuals who have the responsibility to run the democratic regime established by the Constitution, should work for the satisfaction of the general interest;

4. A financial base sufficiant for the operation and equipment of the state apparatus in its various components as defined by the Constitution;

5. Training and establishment of political and security functionaries at the state level who can promote a foreign investment climate in the DRC;

6. Training and implementation of socio-cultural and economic functionaries at the state level to foster the development of the country;

7. A new national policy to create jobs for the youth and the entire nation.
 
Abraham Lincoln defined democracy as “power of the people, by the people and for the people.

When the state wants to provide a legal status and the means of survival and operation, the state adopts a Constitution. The state and the Constitution are closely related to each other, because the state is ultimately the legal seat of public power. We should keep in mind that the Constitution of a country is a long-term process, sometimes subject to delays and changes in the socio-political and economic context, in short, a dynamic affecting life in society.

In addition, we remind all political actors in the DRC, that politics is a sacred mission, that is to say, it must be used to improve the welfare of all citizens without exception.

Alas, although our 2006 Constitution pursues the happiness of the Congolese people; the Congolese politicians wrongly and maliciously consider that the Congolese people are “hypnotized, amorphous or even naive.” They fail to realize that the day will come when the people will rise up and commit to the struggle needed to defend itself with dignity in order to make the republic a showcase par excellence where there will be peace, security and where democracy, good governance, respect for human rights will be a foundation for this young democratic country that is the DRC.

Ultimately, “Dear political and administrative authorities of the DRC, you should know that the tranquility of the soul is a guarantee of longevity and that respect for the Constitution is a bond to ensure the peace of the soul of the Congolese people. ”

President Kabila and all political actors must understand that the current Constitution and respect are a National Partnership for peace and dignity for all. Lack of respect for the Constitution is unacceptable for the Congolese people in general and youth in particular. In no event, nor under any circumstances, will we resign ourselves and give up our rights to our happiness, to our dignity and security, or to stop dreaming of a Congo where all human beings can live in equality, free in rights and dignity.

IN THE LIGHT OF THE FOREGOING, WE YOUTH CLUB MEMBERS OF THE BOARD OF CONGO PEACE CLUB NETWORK FOR PEACE, HUMAN RIGHTS, JUSTICE AND NON VIOLENCE, DECLARE ON THE OCCASION OF THE 10th ANNIVERSARY THE Constitution of the Democratic Republic of the Congo:

1. Any violation of the Constitution of February 18, 2006 as amended to date is unacceptable as it would destroy the solidarity of the Congolese people for peace, dignity, justice and reconciliation;

2. The constitution of February 18, 2006 should be respected by the institutions of the country, by all political actors and tby he entire Congolese people as it is the national partnership for peace and dignity for all Congolese.

3. The Independent National Electoral Commission should publish an electoral schedule that guarantees democratic change in 2016 in accordance with the current Constitution in letter and spirit;

4. We will resist any attempt to disturb public order and social peace by violating the terms of the Constitution or by failing to publish a consensual schedule for elections.

5. Peace, unity and love must prevail before, during and after the elections to be organized this year 2016. God bless and protect the Democratic Republic of Congo
 
Done at Goma, February 18 2016, by the Congo Peace Network
Patrick Mulemeri, Coordinator
Signed by the COUNCIL OF THE CONGO PEACE CLUB NETWORK

Cameroon: Community radio in the service of peace education

FREE FLOW OF INFORMATION

An article from the Journal du Cameroun
 
In view of the terrorist attacks that have led to a deterioration of the humanitarian and security conditions in regions of the country, and from which thousands of Cameroonians have fled their homes, this radio project aims to improve the prevention of conflicts and inter-community dialogue between refugees and host communities, and educate young girls and boys who are vulnerable to terrorist recruitment.

Cameroun
One of the radio control rooms © Rights reserrved

UNESCO and its partners have mobilized the community and four local radio stations in the process of building peace through education. The stations were chosen for their ability to reach the most remote areas by providing information and educational programs in local languages.

“A UNESCO study on the situation in these densely populated areas reveals that misunderstandings among different communities and between them are one of the main problems,” said Cletus Tabe Ojong, Programme Specialist Communication and Information at Regional Office of UNESCO in Yaoundé.

Personnel of the four stations, Echoes of the Mountains of Mokolo, Radio Sava de Mora, Radio Kousseri and the regional station based in Maroua, were trained in the development of local programs on peacebuilding, mediation, prevention and resolution of conflicts, education for nonviolence and dialogue and intercultural and interfaith reconciliation.

The four stations produce over 60 programs on substantive issues to create links between the different communities. On the air, members of rural communities discuss issues related to community inclusion and non-violent conflict resolution. In Mokolo, an area surrounded by villages regularly hit by terrorist attacks, the auditors become aware of the impact of programs related to peace and non-violent resolution of local conflicts. Education programs for peace not only provide knowledge on the culture of peace, but also transmit the skills to recognize and defuse potential conflicts, and to actively promote and build a culture of peace.

(Article continued in the right column.)

(Click here for the French version of this article.)

Question(s) related to this article:

African journalism and the Culture of Peace, A model for the rest of the world?

How can peace be promoted by radio?

(Article continued from left column)

“The themes highlight the challenges we face given the current situation in our region,” said Abdurahman Saidou, a member of the regional branch of the Cameroon Association for Interreligious Dialogue, committed to the construction of a peaceful coexistence between Muslims and Christians.

Among the high-impact programs are local news, magazines, micro-programs, live debates and discussions in the national languages. Some programs are presented by Youth Ambassadors for Peace, identified and trained by UNESCO to raise awareness among their peers at school and during extracurricular activities. In addition, listening groups are being created by the youth ambassadors to encourage mobilization, dialogue and action in structures of formal and informal education.

The project, implemented from March 2015 to March 2016, is a joint initiative of UNESCO, UNDP and the FAO entitled “Rapid response to resilience and conflict prevention population of the Far North regions and East of Cameroon.” It is financed by Japan. Radio stations, students (in schools and during extracurricular activities), traditional leaders, religious leaders, political and administrative authorities and the populations directly affected by the humanitarian emergency have been the beneficiaries.

The action of UNESCO in the field of education for peace and human rights is guided by its Constitution, by the World Programme for Education in Human Rights (2005- present) and by the target 4.7 of the Education agenda 2030. It is also implemented as part of the Action Plan of the Secretary General of the United Nations for the prevention of violent extremism. In October 2015, UNESCO’s Member States adopted an important decision to enhance the role of UNESCO in the prevention of violent extremism through education.