{"id":39571,"date":"2026-05-26T17:54:14","date_gmt":"2026-05-26T15:54:14","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/english.cpnn-world.org\/?p=39571"},"modified":"2026-05-26T18:06:01","modified_gmt":"2026-05-26T16:06:01","slug":"women-peace-and-security-index-2025-2026","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/english.cpnn-world.org\/?p=39571","title":{"rendered":"Women, Peace and Security Index 2025-2026"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

. WOMEN’S EQUALITY . .<\/p>\n

Sections on individual indicators from the Women, Peace and Security Index 2025-2026<\/a><\/p>\n

Indicator performance has improved little since the 2023\/24 WPS Index<\/p>\n

Inclusion indicators<\/strong><\/p>\n

With the exception of some high performers, women\u2019s average years of schooling<\/strong>
\nremain alarmingly low. The global average for the education indicator (average
\nnumber of years of schooling for women ages 25 and older) stands at 8.4
\nyears, four years short of completing secondary education in most countries. The top performers, where women receive over 12 years of schooling on average, are countries classified as high income and with very high Human Development Index rankings. Low-income and low Human Development Index countries rank at the bottom on this indicator, with just over three years of schooling. The Sub-Saharan Africa region and the Fragile
\nStates group score at the bottom, with an average of 5.3 years of schooling.
\nOn average, girls in 33 countries receive less than five years of schooling.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
\n<\/center><\/p>\n

The United States and Germany are tied for the highest average years
\nof schooling, at 14, while Somalia, classified as a Fragile State, has the
\nlowest average, at 0.9 year. The Middle East and North Africa region has
\nthe widest range of performance on this indicator, from 13.4 years in the
\nUnited Arab Emirates to 0.9 year in Somalia. Lebanon is the best performing among the Fragile States group, with roughly 13.1 years of schooling, the only country in that group to place in the top quintile for this indicator.<\/p>\n

Sub-Saharan Africa performs exceedingly well on women\u2019s employment<\/strong>, while
\nthe Middle East and North Africa and South Asia perform poorly. The global
\naverage for the employment indicator (the percentage of women ages 25\u201364
\nwho are employed) is 56 percent, ranging from 24 percent of women
\nemployed in the Middle East and North Africa region to 73 percent in
\nthe Developed Countries group. A close second is Sub-Saharan Africa,
\nat 71 percent. Iceland is the only country in the Developed Countries
\ngroup that ranks in the top 10 on women\u2019s employment. However, the
\nrange across countries in the group is narrow, with most countries ranking
\nhigh on employment even if they are not in the top 10. Burundi, classified
\nas a Fragile State, is tied as the highest-ranking country in the world on this
\nindicator, with roughly 90 percent of women employed. Half of the 10 top-ranked countries on this indicator are in Sub-Saharan Africa (Burundi, Tanzania, Nigeria, Benin, and Togo), including two classified as Fragile States (Burundi and Nigeria). S\u00e3o Tom\u00e9 and Principe is the only country in that region with fewer than a third of women employed.<\/p>\n

While high rates of employment are an important indicator of women\u2019s status, the global datasets we use do not capture working conditions and unpaid care burdens that women manage (see appendix 1 for details on the data sources we use). For example, highest-ranking Burundi has the largest share of women (roughly 95 percent) employed in the informal economy, especially in agriculture. Employment may also not translate
\ninto higher standards of living; almost two-thirds of Burundi\u2019s population
\nlives below the 2017 poverty line of $2.15 a day, nearly the same share as
\neight years ago when the inaugural WPS Index was produced. While most
\nBurundian women work in small-scale farming jobs, men are more likely
\nto work in higher revenue-generating industrial agricultural enterprises.
\nThus, the concentration of women\u2019s employment in the informal sector is
\nevidence of the continuing need to improve women\u2019s inclusion, even as
\nwomen\u2019s high employment rates represent gains in their status and social
\nacceptance of women\u2019s employment.<\/p>\n

The Middle East and North Africa is the worst-performing region, with more than three in four women unemployed. Low labor force participation by women reflects a combination of structural and legal barriers\u2014 such as slow industrialization, male-dominated oil economies, discriminatory family laws, and lack of childcare or maternity support\u2014that restrict both the supply of and demand for women\u2019s labor. These barriers are reinforced by high unemployment among educated women, weak private sector job creation, and persistent patriarchal norms that discourage women\u2019s employment. South Asia is the second-worst performing region and, along with the Middle East and North Africa, the only region where fewer than half of women are employed (39 percent). Despite some favorable laws, women\u2019s low employment in South Asia reflects a lack of supportive infrastructure, such as childcare, eldercare, safe transport, inclusive workplaces, and re-entry opportunities, combined with education gaps, limited access to finance, and restrictive social norms.<\/p>\n

Minor changes in other indicators of inclusion. The global average for cellphone
\nuse<\/strong> (percentage of women and girls ages 15 or older who report having a
\ncellphone) increased from 80 percent in the 2023\/24 WPS Index to 84 percent. The Developed Countries group is the best performing, at 96 percent, and South Asia is the worst performing, at roughly 65 percent, up from 55 percent in the 2023\/24 WPS Index. In seven countries, less than half of women report having their own cellphone (Chad, Ethiopia, Niger, Afghanistan, Madagascar, Democratic Republic of the Congo, and
\nPakistan). As mentioned, Pakistan is the only country in which fewer
\nthan a third of women have their own cellphone.<\/p>\n

Globally, average parliamentary representation<\/strong> (percentage of parliamentary seats held by women) declined slightly, from 26 percent in 2023\/24 to 24 percent. The Latin America and the Caribbean region performs best, with women filling roughly 33 percent of parliamentary seats on average. South Asia is the worst-performing region, at roughly 16 percent, displacing the Middle East and North Africa, whose score improved from 15 percent in the 2023\/24 WPS Index to 18 percent.<\/p>\n

There are limited updates to the financial inclusion indicator <\/strong>(percentage of women and girls ages 15 years or older with an account at a financial institution). The Middle East and North Africa region performs worst on this
\nindicator, at 28 percent. The average rate for the Fragile States group, which
\nwas the worst-performing region in the 2023 Index, has remained the same
\n(34 percent). In six countries worldwide, less than 10 percent of women have
\naccess to their own bank account: South Sudan, Afghanistan, Yemen,
\nBurundi, Djibouti, and Central African Republic. South Sudan is the
\nlowest-ranking country globally on this indicator, with only 4 percent of
\nwomen having access to their own bank account. Eight of the ten bottomranking countries on this indicator are classified as Fragile States. The exceptions are Pakistan, at 14 percent, and Djibouti, at 9 percent.<\/p>\n

Justice indicators<\/strong><\/p>\n

Mixed performances on barriers to justice. The global score on absence of legal
\ndiscrimination (a measure of the differences between men\u2019s and women\u2019s legal access to economic opportunities, from 0, worst, to 100, best)
\nimproved slightly, from 75.7 on the 2023\/24 WPS Index to 76.1. Fourteen
\ncountries have a perfect score of 100, all except one (Latvia) in the Developed Countries group. Seven of the bottom dozen countries on this indicator are classified as Fragile States, and all except one of these Fragile States (Afghanistan) are in the Middle East and North Africa region, which is the worst-performing region on this indicator on the current WPS Index (as it was on the 2023\/24 WPS Index).<\/p>\n

Performance ranges widely on the related access to justice indicator (an ordinal measure of women\u2019s ability to enjoy equal, secure, and effective access
\nto justice, from 0, worst, to 4, best). Denmark once again ranks highest on
\nthe indicator, with a score of 3.958, more than 40 times higher than bottomranking Nicaragua, with a score of .097. Nicaragua displaced Afghanistan,
\nwhich was the lowest performer on this indicator in the 2023\/24 WPS Index.
\nNicaragua\u2019s score plunged 85 percent from its score of .659 on the 2023\/24
\nWPS Index, a large drop that may reflect the deterioration of judicial independence following the February 2025 constitutional reforms driven by President Daniel Ortega. These included eliminating the separation of powers and positioning the judiciary branch under direct executive influence of the new co-presidency of President Ortega and his wife. Key legal protections have been removed, including references to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the prohibition against gender-based wage discrimination. Women face heightened risks, and dissenters are threatened with loss
\nof citizenship. Afghanistan also deteriorated on the access to justice indicator, with its score falling from .372 on the 2023\/24 WPS Index to .160.<\/p>\n

Eight of the ten highest-ranking countries on the access to justice indicator are in the Developed Countries group, whose average score on this
\nindicator is 3.5. No other region has an average above 2.2. The second-best
\nperforming regions are Latin America and the Caribbean and SubSaharan Africa, tied with an average score of 2.2. Latin America and the Caribbean\u2019s improved standing may be explained by the almost 5 percent rise in its average score for this indicator from the 2023\/24 WPS Index, together with declines in scores for Central and Eastern Europe and
\nCentral Asia, East Asia and the Pacific, and South Asia. Countries in
\nthe Latin America and the Caribbean region also have the widest range of
\nscores on this indicator, with best performing Costa Rica (3.540) scoring 36
\ntimes higher than worst-performing Nicaragua (.097).<\/p>\n

The Fragile States group performs worst overall on the access to justice
\nindicator, with a score of 1.8, followed closely by the Middle East and
\nNorth Africa. The average score for the Middle East and North Africa,
\nthe lowest ranked region on this indicator in the 2023\/24 WPS Index,
\nrose from 1.7 to 1.9. The increase reflects improvements in several countries\u2019 scores, including Egypt (up 37 percent), Algeria (17 percent), Qatar
\n(12 percent), Palestine (11 percent), Yemen (4 percent, and no longer in
\nthe bottom 10 countries for this indicator), and Iraq (2 percent, and no
\nlonger in the bottom 20).<\/p>\n

It makes intuitive sense that the absence of legal discrimination and
\naccess to justice indicators are strongly connected, since few formal legal
\nprotections for women would typically mean that women also have a limited ability to safely pursue justice (and vice versa). Figure 6.3 visualizes
\nthe normalized scores of these two justice indicators, with the overlapping
\npatterns reaffirming the positive relation between them. Nonetheless, there
\nare some outlier countries that score high on one indicator and low on
\nthe other. As on the 2023\/24 WPS Index, Nicaragua and El Salvador
\nhave high scores on the absence of legal discrimination (86.3 and 88.8,
\nrespectively) indicator but low scores on access to justice (.097 and .792,
\nrespectively).<\/p>\n

Worsening conflict and aid cuts threaten to undo gains in the maternal mortality<\/strong> ratio. The global average maternal mortality ratio (an indicator of mothers\u2019 risk of death from a single pregnancy) improved from 212 deaths per 100,000 live births in 2023\/24 to approximately 188. Nigeria has the highest maternal mortality ratio in the world, with 993 deaths per 100,000 live births.<\/p>\n

Belarus and Norway continue to have the lowest maternal mortality ratio, improving to 1 death per 100,000 live births. The Developed Countries group performs the best on this indicator, with an average of 10 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births. The United States has the worst maternal mortality ratio among countries in the Developed Countries group (box 6.1).<\/p>\n

The Fragile States group has the highest maternal mortality ratio among regions, with an average of 457 deaths per 100,000 live births. Seven of the ten lowest-ranking countries on this indicator are classified as Fragile States, and five of these are in Sub-Saharan Africa. Recent research also reaffirms that armed conflict is associated with increases in maternal and child deaths globally. For instance, research focusing on the Tigray region of Ethiopia found that maternal outcomes deteriorate severely in rural areas during wartime, likely due to disruptions in healthcare infrastructure.<\/p>\n

(continued in right column)<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\nQuestion related to this article:<\/em><\/strong><\/div>\n
\n 
\nProspects for progress in women’s equality, what are the short and long term prospects?<\/a><\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n

(continued from left column)<\/p>\n

However, since the 2023\/24 WPS Index, maternal mortality ratios have
\nimproved for both the Sub-Saharan Africa region (down from 507 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births to 437) and the Fragile States group
\n(down from 540 to 457). South Sudan, which was the worst-performing
\ncountry on this indicator in the 2023\/24 WPS Index, with 1,223 maternal
\ndeaths per 100,000 live births, has nearly halved that number to 692. South
\nSudan\u2019s improvement may be attributed to the gradual increase in midwife
\ntraining throughout the country, supported by organizational efforts such
\nas the establishment of the Catholic Health Training Institute in 2010
\nand UNFPA support of mobile health clinics and community outreach programs that provide perinatal care. Additional efforts are ongoing, with
\nthe World Health Organization (WHO) and South Sudan\u2019s Ministry of
\nHealth collaborating in 2024 to develop guidelines and training resources
\non maternal health for healthcare workers.<\/p>\n

Despite substantial progress over the past two decades, the WHO reported
\nthat Sub-Saharan Africa, grappling with high rates of poverty and multiple
\narmed conflicts, still accounted for about 70 percent of maternal deaths
\nworldwide in 2023. Recent maternal mortality data also reveal the detrimental impact of the Covid-19 pandemic, with an estimated 40,000 more
\ndeaths in 2021 than in 2020, driven by health complications from Covid-19
\nand widespread disruptions to maternity services, underscoring the need
\nto maintain essential care during crises such as pandemics. Global maternal mortality ratios began to improve in the two years after the pandemic,
\nreturning to the falling trend of earlier years.<\/p>\n

Globally, maternal deaths dropped 40 percent between 2000 and 2023,
\nbut progress has slowed notably since 2016, with almost one woman dying
\nevery two minutes in 2023 from pregnancy- or childbirth-related complications. And now there is a risk of reversals, as deep cuts in humanitarian funding in 2025 are severely undermining maternal and child health
\nservices. In many areas, maternal and child health facilities have closed,
\nthe number of health workers has declined, and supply chains for lifesaving medicines have been disrupted.<\/p>\n

Especially at risk are women in countries that are heavily dependent on
\nhumanitarian assistance, such as those classified as Fragile States, where
\nmaternal mortality ratios are already high. For instance, a 2025 UN report
\nestimated that the likelihood of maternal death is 400 times greater in
\nSub-Saharan Africa than in Australia and New Zealand. The highest risks are in countries ranked the worst on the maternal mortality ratio
\nindicator: Nigeria (181st), Chad (180th), Central African Republic
\n(178th tie), South Sudan (178th tie), Liberia (177th), Somalia (176th),
\nand Afghanistan (175th). Researchers at Stanford University have estimated that reductions in development assistance to low-resource countries that last five years or longer can reverse 64 percent of the progress in
\nmaternal mortality. Health and dignity are not only basic human rights,
\nbut they are also central to women\u2019s participation and protection under the
\nWPS Agenda. Urgent and sustained action is needed from all countries to
\npreserve and increase the gains in maternal mortality.<\/p>\n

Security indicators<\/strong><\/p>\n

Despite some improvements, less than two-thirds of women worldwide report
\nfeeling safe walking at night in their communities. Community safety<\/strong> (the percentage of women who report feeling safe walking alone at night in their
\ncommunity) has improved slightly, rising from 64 percent globally on the
\n2023\/24 WPS Index to 66 percent. But that means more than one-third of
\nwomen feel unsafe walking alone at night in their communities. Singapore is the highest-ranking country on this indicator, with 97 percent of
\nwomen feeling safe walking alone at night, while Syrian Arab Republic
\nis the lowest-ranking country at 17 percent\u2014and the only country where
\nfewer than one in four women feels safe walking alone at night.<\/p>\n

Among regions, East Asia and the Pacific again performs best, with
\n84 percent of women reporting feeling safe walking in their community at
\nnight (compared with 83 percent in the 2023\/24 WPS Index), while Latin
\nAmerica and the Caribbean again performs worst, at 42 percent (40 percent in 2023\/24). El Salvador is the only country in the Latin America and
\nthe Caribbean region to score above the global average, with 85 percent
\nof women reporting that they feel safe walking alone at night. In 16 of 27
\ncountries in the region, more than half the women report feeling unsafe
\nwalking alone at night.<\/p>\n

In 31 of the 37 countries classified as Fragile States, fewer than two-thirds of women feel safe walking alone at night. In a majority of countries
\n(23) in the Sub-Saharan Africa region, that share shrinks to fewer than
\nhalf. Syrian Arab Republic has the worst performance globally on this
\nindicator, with less than a quarter of women feeling safe walking alone at
\nnight. The second-worst performers on the community safety indicator are
\nSouth Africa and Afghanistan, at 25 percent each. In Afghanistan, the
\nTaliban continues to restrict women\u2019s mobility, including prohibitions on
\nvisiting parks and even health centers.<\/p>\n

Community safety is one of the few indicators on which the Developed Countries group does not perform best. Its score of 65 percent puts it behind the East Asia and the Pacific region, at 84. Nine countries in the Developed Countries group are below the global average of 66 percent: Israel (63 percent), Canada (63 percent), Belgium (63 percent), the United States (58 percent), Malta (56 percent), Australia (52 percent), Greece (51 percent), New Zealand (47 percent), and Italy (44 percent). Just behind the Developed Countries group are the Middle East and North Africa and South Asia regions, both at just under 65 percent. Eleven countries in the Middle East and North Africa score above the global average on community safety, with more than two-thirds of women
\nfeeling safe walking alone at night.<\/p>\n

Perceptions of community safety<\/strong> also vary within countries, with vulnerable groups often feeling more unsafe. For instance, a 2024 study for
\nBrazil found that perceptions of safety among women have deteriorated
\nmore in rural areas than in urban areas, especially for non-White populations, a finding the study links to an erosion of trust in police services.
\nIn the United States, there is a notable racial difference in perceptions of
\nsafety, with fewer than half of Black women (46 percent) feeling safe walking alone at night, compared with 58 percent of women overall. Only
\ntwo-thirds of Black women in the United States believe they would be
\ntreated fairly or with respect by local police, and one-fourth report having
\nexperienced discriminatory treatment in the past year, higher than that of
\nBlack men (one-fifth).<\/p>\n

Political violence<\/strong> targeting women shows little improvement. Globally, political violence targeting women (violent and politically motivated events targeting women) improved from 0.080 event per 100,000 women in the 2023\/24 WPS Index to 0.070 event in the current one. While this indicator captures \u201cthe use of force by a group with a political purpose or motivation\u201d in targeting women (physical violence or attempt at physical violence), it does not capture the full scope of political violence targeting women. For instance, it does not include intimidation, threats, or online or technologyfacilitated gender-based violence, all of which can have serious implications for women\u2019s safety and their ability to participate in politics and in peace and security efforts.<\/p>\n

The Latin America and the Caribbean region continues to have
\nthe highest rate of political violence targeting women, despite a reduction from 0.381 event per 100,000 women on the 2023\/24 WPS Index to
\n0.338 on the current one. The region also has the second-highest share of
\nwomen living in proximity to conflict (up from 44 percent to 47 percent).
\nWhen considered along with the region\u2019s performance at the bottom of
\nthe regional rankings on community safety, these results reinforce the
\nrelationship between feelings of safety at the local level and instability
\nat the societal level. The second-worst performing region on this indicator is the Fragile States group, at 0.212 event per 100,000 women. The
\nMiddle East and North Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa regions performed slightly better, at roughly 0.130 event per 100,000 women. The
\nother country groups have an average rate ranging from 0.006 event
\nper 100,000 women (Developed Countries) to roughly 0.020 for three
\nregions (Central and Eastern Europe and Central Asia, East Asia
\nand the Pacific, and South Asia).<\/p>\n

Seven of the ten bottom-ranking countries on the political violence targeting women indicator are in the Latin America and the Caribbean region,
\nand only one of those (Haiti) is classified as a Fragile State. Trinidad and
\nTobago is the worst-performing country globally on this indicator, with
\n3.017 events per 100,000 women. The next lowest ranked country is Belize,
\nwith 1.452 events, which makes Trinidad and Tobago an outlier on this
\nindicator. Trinidad and Tobago has a history of high rates of political violence targeting women, with 8 events per 100,000 women in the 2019\/20
\nWPS Index, rising nearly fourfold to 23 events in the 2023\/24 WPS Index.
\nThat large increase may be related to the island country\u2019s very small population, intensifying gang violence that led the government to declare a state
\nof emergency in December 2024, and the second-highest score worldwide
\non a measure of the geographic diffusion of conflict.<\/p>\n

Eleven countries in the Fragile States group have 0.000 reported events
\nof political violence targeting women, a hopeful sign that such violence
\ncan be controlled even in contexts of fragility and conflict. Kosovo\u2019s rate
\nof 0.000 events may reflect targeted interventions and women\u2019s leadership. For instance, discussions on political violence targeting women and
\nits consequences for women\u2019s representation were spurred in Kosovo by
\ninitiatives such as the EmPOWER Local Women Politicians Program, a
\ncapacity-building program sponsored by the Organization for Security and
\nCo-operation in Europe that offers leadership workshops, civic engagement
\nopportunities, and cross-party collaboration for women in politics. As a
\nresult of such efforts, women parliamentarians led their fellow lawmakers
\nin developing and endorsing an official declaration in 2024 that calls for
\naccountability and the safeguarding of women\u2019s full participation in electoral spheres.35
\nDespite these positive signs, women in 94 countries are still subjected
\nto political violence. They range from the United Kingdom, with 0.003
\nevent per 100,000 women, to five countries (Palestine, Cameroon,
\nJamaica, Belize, and Trinidad and Tobago) where events exceed 1 per
\n100,000 women.<\/p>\n

Finally, political violence targeting women does not affect all women in
\nthe same way or to the same degree, and a lack of reporting does not necessarily mean a lack of occurrence. The United States is an example of how
\nthese limitations can affect our understanding of this indicator. The country\u2019s score on this indicator fell from 0.025 event per 100,000 women in the
\n2023\/24 WPS Index to 0.006 in the current one. However, a recent study
\nfound high levels of political violence targeting women during the 2024
\nUS election cycle, with Black women 7 times more likely to be targeted by
\nhate speech than Black men, 3 times more likely than White women, and
\n18 times more likely than White men.<\/p>\n

(Editor’s note: Cuba was one of 18 countries that were not included in their report because data was lacking on several indicators. Elsewhere in the report, it is noted that Cuba, Mexico, Nicaragua, and Rwanda are the only countries with more than 50% women in parliament. Other countries not listed come from the Caribbean (6), Pacific Islands (2), tiny European states (4), tiny Asian states (2). Also North Korea, Eritrea and Equatorial Guinea.)<\/p>\n

– – – – – –<\/p>\n

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. WOMEN’S EQUALITY . . Sections on individual indicators from the Women, Peace and Security Index 2025-2026 Indicator performance has improved little since the 2023\/24 WPS Index Inclusion indicators With the exception of some high performers, women\u2019s average years of schooling remain alarmingly low. The global average for the education indicator (average number of years … Continue reading Women, Peace and Security Index 2025-2026<\/span> →<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[76,12],"tags":[11],"class_list":["post-39571","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-global","category-women","tag-global"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/english.cpnn-world.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/39571","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/english.cpnn-world.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/english.cpnn-world.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/english.cpnn-world.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/english.cpnn-world.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=39571"}],"version-history":[{"count":10,"href":"https:\/\/english.cpnn-world.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/39571\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":39582,"href":"https:\/\/english.cpnn-world.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/39571\/revisions\/39582"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/english.cpnn-world.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=39571"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/english.cpnn-world.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=39571"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/english.cpnn-world.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=39571"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}